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high+polish

  • 1 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 2 bȇrgъ

    bȇrgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: с Proto-Slavic meaning: `bank'
    Page in Trubačev: I 191-193
    Old Church Slavic:
    brěgъ `bank, shore, steep slope' [m o]
    Russian:
    béreg `bank, shore' [m o]
    Czech:
    břeh `bank, shore, boundary, edge' [m o];
    břech (dial.) `hill' [m o], břeha [Gens]
    Old Czech:
    břěh `hill, hillside, bank, shore, pier' [m o]
    Slovak:
    breh `bank, shore, hill, hillside' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzeg `bank, shore, edge' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brjóh `bank, shore, hill' [m o], brjoha [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brjog `bank, shore, hill, heap' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjeg `bank, shore, boundary, edge, hill' [m o];
    Čak. brȋg (Vrgada) `bank, shore, boundary, edge, hill' [m o], brȋga [Gens];
    Čak. briȇg (Orbanići) `hill' [m o], briȇge [Locs]
    Slovene:
    brẹ̑g `bank, shore, hillside, hill' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjag `bank, shore' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerǵʰ-o-
    IE meaning: hill
    Page in Pokorny: 140
    Comments: In view of the Indo-Iranian and Armenian forms, the *g of the Slavic etymon is problematic. Attempts to establish *bergъ as a borrowing from Germanic or Venetic-Illyrian (Pokorny) seem unconvincing.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairgahei `mountainous region' [f];
    OIc. bjarg `mountain'
    ;
    OHG berg `mountain'
    ;
    Skt. br̯hánt- (RV+) `great, large, high';
    LAv. bǝrǝz- `great, high' [adj];
    Arm. barjr `high' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȇrgъ

  • 3 bȏrъ

    bȏrъ Grammatical information: m. u Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pine-tree, pine forest'
    Page in Trubačev: II 216-217
    Church Slavic:
    borъ (RuCS) `pine-tree, pine forest' [m o]
    Russian:
    bor `coniferous forest' [m o];
    bor (dial.) `woods, forest, heather, shrubbery, high place, dry place, waterless valley' [m o/u]
    Old Russian:
    borъ `pine-tree, pine forest' [m o], borove [Nompl]
    Ukrainian:
    bir `pine forest, coniferous forest' [m o/u], bóru [Gensg];
    byr (dial.) `high, sandy place, pinewood in a high, sandy place ' [m o/u], boru [Gensg]
    Czech:
    bor `coniferous forest, woods' [m o];
    bor (dial.) `pine-tree, pine forest' [m o]
    Slovak:
    bor `pine-tree' [m o];
    bôr `pine-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    bór `forest' [m o], boru [Gensg], boru [Locsg]
    Slovincian:
    bȯ́r `dry, barren soil, pine forest' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bór (arch.) `pine-tree, pine forest' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bór (obs.) `pine-tree, (pine) forest' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȏr `pine-tree' [m o], bȍra [Gens];
    Čak. bõr (Vrgada) `pine-tree' [m o], borȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bọ̑r `pine-tree' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bor `pine-tree' [m o]
    Comments: In Slavic, there are many indications for an original u-stem borъ < * bʰoru-, e.g. RuCS borove `pine-trees' [Nom p], Pl. w boru `in the forest', or derivates based on a stem borov-, such as SCr. boròvīk `coniferous forest, pine forest', bòrovina `pine-tree, pinewood', bòrȏvka `bilberry, raspberry'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bǫrr `tree'
    ;
    OE bearu `tree'
    , bearwes [Gensg]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏrъ

  • 4 gvozdь

    gvozdь; gvozdъ Grammatical information: m. i; m o Proto-Slavic meaning: `nail'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 185-186
    Old Church Slavic:
    gvozdie (Cloz.) `nails' [Nompm i]
    Russian:
    gvozd' `nail' [m jo], gvozdjá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    gvizd' `nail' [m jo], gvozdjá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hvozd `big, dense forest' [m o]
    Polish:
    gwóźdź `nail' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    góźdź `nail' [m jo];
    gozd `woods' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    hózdź `nail' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gvȍzd (arch., dial) `iron, nail, peg, pig' [m o];
    gvȏzd (arch., dial.) `iron, nail, peg, pig, dense forest' [m o]
    Slovene:
    gòzd `(big, high) forest' [m o], gózda [Gens]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gu̯ozd-??
    Other cognates:
    MLG quast(e) `bundle, broom, besom' [?]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gvozdь

  • 5 gvozdъ

    gvozdь; gvozdъ Grammatical information: m. i; m o Proto-Slavic meaning: `nail'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 185-186
    Old Church Slavic:
    gvozdie (Cloz.) `nails' [Nompm i]
    Russian:
    gvozd' `nail' [m jo], gvozdjá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    gvizd' `nail' [m jo], gvozdjá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hvozd `big, dense forest' [m o]
    Polish:
    gwóźdź `nail' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    góźdź `nail' [m jo];
    gozd `woods' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    hózdź `nail' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gvȍzd (arch., dial) `iron, nail, peg, pig' [m o];
    gvȏzd (arch., dial.) `iron, nail, peg, pig, dense forest' [m o]
    Slovene:
    gòzd `(big, high) forest' [m o], gózda [Gens]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gu̯ozd-??
    Other cognates:
    MLG quast(e) `bundle, broom, besom' [?]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gvozdъ

  • 6 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 7 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 8 golěmъ

    golěmъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `big'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 202-204
    Church Slavic:
    golěmo `much' [adv];
    golěmyi (RuCS) `big, high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    goljámyj `tall and thin' [adj o]
    Old Russian:
    golěmyi `big, high' [adj o]
    Old Czech:
    holemý `big' [adj o]
    Polish:
    golemy `huge' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gòlem `big, huge' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    goljám `big, strong' [adj o]
    Macedonian:
    golem `big' [adj o]
    Comments: The root of this adjective may be identified with the root of Lith. galė́ti `be able' and W gallu `id.', which is best reconstructed as * gal(H), with an "European" a.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > golěmъ

  • 9 krupьnъ

    krupьnъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `coarse'
    Page in Trubačev: XIII 46-47
    Russian:
    krúpnyj `big, tall' [adj o]
    Old Russian:
    krupnyj `consisting of large parts, big' [adj o]
    Old Czech:
    krupný `coarse' [adj o]
    Polish:
    krupny `coarse' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    krúpan `coarse-grained, coarse, big, high' [adj o];
    krùpan `coarse-grained, coarse, big, high' [adj o];
    Čak. krȗpan (Orbanići) `large, heavy, bulky' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    krúpen `great' [adj u]
    Lithuanian:
    kraupùs `rough' [adj u]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kroup-
    Page in Pokorny: 623
    Other cognates:
    OIc. hrjúfr `rough, scabby' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > krupьnъ

  • 10 bȁba

    bȁba Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `old woman'
    Page in Trubačev: I 105-108
    Old Church Slavic:
    baba `nurse' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bába `grandmother, married peasant woman' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bába `grandmother, midwife, old woman' [f ā];
    baba (pej.) `old woman' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    baba `grandmother, midwife, old woman' [f ā]
    Polish:
    baba `grandmother, midwife, old woman, mother-in-law' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bãbă `old woman, grannie, female (of an animal)' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȁba `grandmother, midwife, nurse, mother-in-law' [f ā];
    Čak. bȁba (Vrgada) `grandmother, midwife' [f ā];
    Čak. bȁba (Novi) `midwife' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bába `grandmother, midwife' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bába `grandmother, old woman, mother-in-law' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: báʔbaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    bóba `old woman' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    bãba `old woman' [f ā]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 91
    Other cognates:
    MHG bâbe, bôbe `old woman' [f] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Middle High German word is assumed to be a borrowing from Slavic (Sɫawski SP I: 171).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȁba

  • 11 libъ

    libъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `thin'
    Page in Trubačev: XV 74-75
    Old Czech:
    libí [?] `lean, thin' [adj o]
    Old Polish:
    luby `thin, frail' [adj o] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    lëbḯ `weak, soft, frail' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    láibas `thin, tall, high' [adj o] 3;
    líebas (dial.) `thin-legged' [adj o] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: leiHbʰ
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (2000 II: 67), the single gloss we are dealing with here may be an instance of luby `dear, beloved'. In that case we must assume that the scribe misunderstood Lat. gracilem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > libъ

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