Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

from+hand+to+hand

  • 1 rǭkà

    rǭkà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `hand'
    Old Church Slavic:
    rǫka `hand, arm' [f ā]
    Russian:
    ruká `hand, arm' [f ā], rúku [Accs]
    Czech:
    ruka `hand' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ruka `hand' [f ā]
    Polish:
    ręka `hand' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rúka `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];
    Čak. rūkȁ (Vrgada, Hvar) `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];
    Čak. ruokȁ (Orbanići) `hand' [f ā], ruȏko [Accs]
    Slovene:
    róka `hand' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    răká `hand' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: rónkaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    rankà `hand' [f ā] 2
    Latvian:
    rùoka `hand' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    rānkan `hand' [Accsf ā]
    Comments: The Balto-Slavic word for `hand' derives from a verbal root *urenk, cf. Lith. riñkti `gather'. Since deverbative ā-stems are usually immobile, Kortlandt (1977: 327) suggests that the accentuation is analogical after *nogà `foot, leg', where mobility is old.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rá `corner, berth in a ship' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rǭkà

  • 2 avě

    avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'
    Page in Trubačev: I 93-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];
    avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    javi `manifestly, openly' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    áve `in reality' [adv];
    jáve `in reality' [adv]
    Macedonian:
    jave `in reality' [adv]
    Lithuanian:
    ovyje (DP) `in reality' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēis
    IE meaning: apparently
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv];
    Av. auuiš `apparently, evidently' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > avě

  • 3 majati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > majati

  • 4 mavati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mavati

  • 5 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 6 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 7 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 8 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 9 remy

    remy Grammatical information: m. n Proto-Slavic meaning: `strap, belt'
    Old Church Slavic:
    remenь `latchet' [m n], remene [Gens]
    Russian:
    remén' `strap, belt' [m jo], remnjá [Gens]
    Czech:
    řemen `strap, belt' [m o/jo]
    Slovak:
    remeň `strap, belt' [m jo]
    Polish:
    rzemień `strap, belt' [m jo];
    rzemyk `little leather strap, thong' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rȅmēn `strap, belt' [m o], rȅmena [Gens];
    rèmik (Herc.) `strap, belt' [m o];
    Čak. rȅmik (Orbanići) `strap (of a whip)' [m o]
    Slovene:
    rémen `strap, belt' [m o], remę́na [Gens]
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect * remy with -> *arьmъ/o, but this meets with formal difficulties. Apart from the fact that in South Slavic there are no forms pointing to *rě- may be consider a counter-argument (but cf. OCS retь). More importantly, arьmъ/o is usually derived from PIE h₂er-, which seems incompatible with * remy. On the other hand, the relationship with MHG rieme m. `strap, belt', the etymology of which is unknown, is also unclear.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > remy

  • 10 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 11 žuriti

    žuriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Russian:
    žurít' (coll.) `reprove, scold' [verb], žurjú [1sg], žurít [3sg];
    žurít'sja (dial.) `grieve, quarrel' [verb], žurjús' [1sg], žurítsja [3sg]
    Czech:
    zuřiti `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    zúrit' `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Polish:
    żurzyć się (obs.) `be angry, rage' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    zuriś `make sour, embitter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zúriti se `hurry, (dial.) complain' [verb], žȗrīm se [1sg]
    Slovene:
    žúriti se `hurry' [verb], žúrim se [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeuro-
    Comments: According to Young (2002), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. žiaurùs `cruel, savage', which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. žvėrìs `wild animal' (*ǵʰeuh₁r-?). Like Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghorá- `terrible, terrifying' [adj] and Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]. Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms may have been influenced by German sauer `sour, angry' (perhaps through association with West Slavic * žurъ `sour mass used for soup or bread', which is regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the other.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ghorá- (RV+) `terrible, terrifying' [adj];
    Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} With dissimilation of *žuř- to zuř- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a borrowing from Czech.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žuriti

См. также в других словарях:

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  • from\ hand\ to\ hand — adv. phr. From one person to another and another. The box of candy was passed from hand to hand. Jane brought her engagement ring, and it passed from hand to hand until all the girls had admired it …   Словарь американских идиом

  • from hand to hand — phrasal : from possession by one person to that of another : through successive possession by a number of people a bauble of little worth that went from hand to hand …   Useful english dictionary

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  • from hand to mouth — See: LIVE FROM HAND TO MOUTH …   Dictionary of American idioms

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