Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

from+case

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 3 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 4 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 5 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 6 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 7 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 8 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 9 avě

    avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'
    Page in Trubačev: I 93-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];
    avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    javi `manifestly, openly' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    áve `in reality' [adv];
    jáve `in reality' [adv]
    Macedonian:
    jave `in reality' [adv]
    Lithuanian:
    ovyje (DP) `in reality' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēis
    IE meaning: apparently
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv];
    Av. auuiš `apparently, evidently' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > avě

  • 10 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 11 bỳstrъ

    bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'
    Page in Trubačev: III 153-154
    Old Church Slavic:
    bystrъ `quick' [adj o]
    Russian:
    býstryj `quick' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Polish:
    bystry `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bỳstrъ

  • 12 diriti

    diriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `look for'
    Page in Trubačev: V 31
    Bulgarian:
    dírja `look for, seek, strive for' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    dyrė́ti (coll.) `look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding' [verb]
    Comments: According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with -> *dьrati `tear'. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: ??), is not unattractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or * deih₂-r-, cf. Skt. dayi `shine, radiate'.
    Other cognates:
    Nw. (dial.) tira `look, shine, beam' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > diriti

  • 13 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 14 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 15 jūxà

    jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 193
    Church Slavic:
    juxa `broth' [f ā]
    Russian:
    uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    jucha `cabbage soup' [f ā]
    Polish:
    jucha `bull's blood, soup, sauce, juice' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]
    Slovene:
    júha `soup' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1
    Old Prussian:
    juse `soup' [f]
    Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];
    Lat. iūs `broth' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jūxà

  • 16 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

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