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find+the

  • 1 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 2 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 3 dȍma

    dȍma Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `at home'
    Page in Trubačev: V 66
    Old Church Slavic:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Russian:
    dóma `at home' [adv]
    Czech:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Slovak:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Polish:
    doma (dial.) `at home' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȍma `at home, home' [adv];
    Čak. dȍma (Vrgada, Orbanići) `at home, home' [adv]
    Slovene:
    domȃ `at home' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dom-ōu
    Page in Pokorny: 198
    Comments: The petrified case-form * doma cannot reflect a Lsg. * dom-ōu, which would have yielded * domu. A possible reconstruction is an Isg. * dom-oh₁ (cf. -> * vьčera), but we would not expect to find the old Isg. ending of the o-stems in an u-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȍma

  • 4 obrěsti

    obrěsti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `find'
    Page in Trubačev: XXIX 74-76
    Old Church Slavic:
    obrěsti `find' [verb], obręštǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    obrestí (rhet.) `find' [verb], obretú [1sg], obretët [3sg], obrjášču (arch.) [1sg], obrjáščet [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    obresti (13th-16th c.) `find' [verb];
    obrèsti se (dial.) `meet' [verb];
    obrȅs(t) (dial.) `be found, turn out to be' [verb] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    obrẹ́sti `find' [verb], obrẹ́tem [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h3ebh-urēt
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Skok (III: 319), obresti was borrowed from Russian into the eastern variant of the literary language. The position of the dialect forms is unclear. \{2\} The Lithuanian verb surė̃sti `seize' (BB 26: 168), which Pokorny refers to, is obscure.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > obrěsti

  • 5 esera

    esera Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `fishbone, awn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 29-30
    Polish:
    jesiory (OPl., dial.) `fishbone' [Nompf ā];
    osiory (NE. dial.) `awn, beard (on ears of grain), hulls;
    fishbone, fish scales' [Nompf ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯zo_ră `fishbone' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jeseråi `awn, beard (on ears of grain)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-er-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    ešerỹs `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b;
    ašerỹs (dial.) `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b
    Latvian:
    asaris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo];
    aseris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eḱ-er-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.
    Notes:
    It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esera

  • 6 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 7 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 8 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 9 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 10 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 11 morà

    morà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `nightly spirit, nightmare'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 211-214
    Church Slavic:
    mora ( SerbCS) `sorceress' [f ā]
    Russian:
    móra (dial.) `mythological female creature, ghost, darkness' [m/f ā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    móra (dial.) `nightmare, house-spirit' [f ā]
    Czech:
    můra \{4\} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mora, mura `demonical mythological creature that torments people in their sleep' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    mùora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòra `nightmare' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. Morȁ (Orbanići) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping;
    makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    móra `nightmare, owl' [f ā] \{3\}
    Bulgarian:
    morá `nightmare' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: mor-eh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 735-736
    Comments: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. mara `nightmare' [f];
    OE mare `nightmare' [f];
    OIr. mor-rígain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] \{5\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikímora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. \{2\} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžić's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanići). \{3\} There is a variant mȏra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' ( Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. \{4\} In dialects, we find a variant mora.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > morà

  • 12 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 13 vьsь

    vьśь Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `all'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vьsь `all' [prn], vьsja [f], vьse [n]
    Russian:
    ves' `all' [prn], vsja [f], vsë [n]
    Old Russian:
    vxu (Novg.) `all' [Accsf], vxe (Novg.) `all' [Nompm]
    Old Czech:
    veš `all' [prn], všě [f], vše [n]
    Old Polish:
    wszy `all' [prn], wsza [f], wsze [n]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȁv `all' [prn], svȁ [Nomsf], svȅ [Nomsn];
    Čak. svȁs (Vrgada) `all' [prn], svȁ [Nomsf], svȅ [Nomsn];
    Čak. vȁs (Hvar) `all' [prn], svȁ [Nomsf], svȅ [Nomsn];
    Čak. s(v)ȁ (Orbanići) `all, the whole' [prn], svȁ [Nomsf], svȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    vǝ̀s `all' [prn], vsà [Nomsf], vsè [Nomsn]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯iṣos
    Lithuanian:
    vìsas `all' [prn]
    Latvian:
    vìss `all' [prn]
    Old Prussian:
    wissa- `all'
    Indo-European reconstruction: uiso-
    Comments: The origin of this etymon may be a Lpl. *uiṣu-. In Lithuanian, the š < *ṣ may have been replaced with s when the variant -su of the Lpl. was generalized (F. Kortlandt, p.c.). Slavic generalized the ending -xъ < *-ṣu in the Lpl., which is why the pronoun has *ś < *x as a result of the progressive palatalization. In North Russian, we still find forms with x (cf. Vermeer 2000: passim).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. víṣu- `in all directions' \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Only in compounds.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vьsь

  • 14 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 15 čekati

    čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37
    Church Slavic:
    čekati (Venc.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Russian:
    čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čekáty `wait, await' [verb]
    Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb];
    čkáti `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czekać `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];
    Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]
    Macedonian:
    čéka `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čekati

  • 16 medojědъ

    medojědъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55
    Russian:
    medoéd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Czech:
    medojed (Jungmann) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȅdojēd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]
    Slovene:
    medojẹ̀d `honey-eater, honey-lover' [m o], medojẹ́da [Gens]
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Comments: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvědь.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > medojědъ

  • 17 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

  • 18 drǫgъ

    drǫ́gъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 129-130
    Old Church Slavic:
    drǫgy (Euch.) `sticks' [Inspm o]
    Czech:
    drouh (obs., dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drúh (dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Polish:
    drąg `bar' [m o], drąga [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́ųg `bar, pole' [m o], drȯ́ųga [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȗg `rail' [m o]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drongos
    Lithuanian:
    drañgas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o];
    dránga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ā]
    Comments: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct * dʰrongʰ-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. drangr `detached pillar of rock'
    ;
    OIc. drengr `heavy stick, pillar'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drǫgъ

  • 19 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 20 medvě̀dь

    medvě̀dь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `bear'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55, 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    medvědь (PsDim.) `bear' [m jo] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    medvědь (Par., Hval.) `bear' [m jo] \{2\}
    Russian:
    medvéd' `bear' [m jo]
    Czech:
    medvěd `bear' [m o]
    Slovak:
    medved' `bear' [m o]
    Polish:
    miedźwiedź (arch., dial.) `bear' [m jo] \{3\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mèdvjed `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȉd (Vrgada) `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȉd (Novi) `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȅd (Orbanići) `bear' [m o]
    Slovene:
    médvẹd `bear' [m o], medvẹ́da [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: medveʔd-i-
    Indo-European reconstruction: medʰ-u-h₁ed-i-
    IE meaning: honey-eater
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > medvě̀dь

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