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case-forms

  • 1 ȍlkъtь

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь

  • 2 ȍlkъtъ

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ

  • 3 dě̀verь

    dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'
    Page in Trubačev: V 19
    Russian:
    déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    dziewierz `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];
    dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-
    Lithuanian:
    díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;
    dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3a
    Latvian:
    diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-
    IE meaning: husband's brother
    Certainty: +
    Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. devár- `husband's brother'
    ;
    Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀verь

  • 4 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 5 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 6 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 7 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 8 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 9 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 10 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 11 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 12 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 13 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 14 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 15 blьskъ

    blьskъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 113-114
    Church Slavic:
    blьskъ `splendour' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blesk `lightning, brightness' [m o], blsku [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫysk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blisko- \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-
    Page in Pokorny: 156
    Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blьskъ

  • 16 debelъ

    debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202
    Church Slavic:
    debelyj (RuCS) `fat' [adj o]
    Russian:
    debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];
    debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dèbeo `fat' [adj o];
    Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    debél `fat, strong' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-
    Latvian:
    depsis `small, fat boy'
    Old Prussian:
    debīkan `big' [Accs];
    debica (Gr.) `big' [adj]
    Certainty: -
    Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. dapr `sad' [adj];
    Nw. daper `sad, with young' [adj];
    Nw. (dial.) dabb(e) `small, fat fellow'
    ;
    OHG tapfar `firm, heavy, thick-set' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > debelъ

  • 17 jūxà

    jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 193
    Church Slavic:
    juxa `broth' [f ā]
    Russian:
    uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    jucha `cabbage soup' [f ā]
    Polish:
    jucha `bull's blood, soup, sauce, juice' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]
    Slovene:
    júha `soup' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1
    Old Prussian:
    juse `soup' [f]
    Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];
    Lat. iūs `broth' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jūxà

  • 18 kādìti

    kādìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `burn incense'
    Page in Trubačev: IX 109-110
    Old Church Slavic:
    kaditi (Euch.) `burn incense' [verb]
    Russian:
    kadít' `burn incense' [verb], kažú [1sg], kadít [3sg]
    Czech:
    kaditi `fumigate, burn incense' [verb]
    Slovak:
    kadit' `smoke' [verb]
    Polish:
    kadzić `burn incense' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    káditi `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kȃdīm [1sg];
    Čak. kå̄dȉti (Vrgada) `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kå̃dīš [2sg];
    Čak. kōdȉt (Hvar) `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kódin [1sg];
    Čak. kādȉt (Orbanići) `incense' [verb]
    Slovene:
    kadíti `smoke, cover with dust' [verb], kadím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    kadjá `burn incense, smoke' [verb]
    Comments: The accentuation of the Serbo-Croatian forms points to AP (b), but the evidence of the other languages rather points to (c). Due to the absence of reliable cognates, the reconstruction of the root presents difficulties (-> * čadъ). In the case of *kādìti, we may be dealing with a lengthened grade *ō.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kādìti

  • 19 skorà

    skorà (skòra) Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bast, skin'
    Czech:
    skůra (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā];
    skura (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā];
    skora (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā]
    Polish:
    skóra `skin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    skȯ́u̯ră `skin, bast, leather' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    skǫ́rja `bark, crust' [f ā];
    skọ̑rja `bark, crust' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: (s)kor-eh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 938
    Comments: Like in the case of *korà, a number of forms behave as if they belong to the *vòlja type, e.g. Sln. skǫ́rja. According to Bulaxovskij (1953: 45), we must reckon with influence of the semantically similar kòža. The widely attested long o in the root may be somehow connected with the following r (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > skorà

  • 20 skòra

    skorà (skòra) Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bast, skin'
    Czech:
    skůra (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā];
    skura (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā];
    skora (obs., dial.) `(tanned) skin' [Nompf ā]
    Polish:
    skóra `skin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    skȯ́u̯ră `skin, bast, leather' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    skǫ́rja `bark, crust' [f ā];
    skọ̑rja `bark, crust' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: (s)kor-eh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 938
    Comments: Like in the case of *korà, a number of forms behave as if they belong to the *vòlja type, e.g. Sln. skǫ́rja. According to Bulaxovskij (1953: 45), we must reckon with influence of the semantically similar kòža. The widely attested long o in the root may be somehow connected with the following r (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > skòra

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