(by+several+nations)

(pl. hundruð), n. hundred; tírœtt h. = 100; tólfrœtt h. = 120; hundruðum, by (in) hundreds; as value, one hundred and twenty ells of the stuff wadmal; h. frítt, a hundred paid in cattle; tólf hundruð mórend, twelve hundred in dark-striped wadmal; hundrað silfrs, ? the silver value of 120 ells (= 20 ounces).

* * *

n. pl. hundruð; the form hund- (q. v.) only occurs in a few old compd words: [Goth. hunda, pl.; A. S. hund; O. H. G. hunt; the extended form in Hel. and old Frank, hundered; Germ. hundert; Dan. hundrede; Swed. hundra; the inflexive syllable is prob. akin to - ræðr in átt-ræðr]:—a hundred; the Scandinavians of the heathen time (and perhaps also all Teutonic people) seem to have known only a duo-decimal hundred (= 12 × 10 or 120); at that time 100 was expressed by tíu-tíu, cp. Ulf. taihun-taihund = ten-teen; Pal Vídalín says,—hundrað tólfrætt er sannlega frá heiðni til vor komið, en hið tíræða er líkast að Norðrlönd hafi ekki vitað af fyrr en Kristni kom hér og með henni lærdómr þeirrar aldar, Skýr. s. v. Hundrað (fine): but with the introduction of Christianity came in the decimal hundred, the two being distinguished by adjectives,—tólfrætt hundrað = 120, and tírætt hundrað = 100. But still the old popular duodecimal system continued in almost all matters concerned with economical or civil life, in all law phrases, in trade, exchange, property, value, or the like, and the decimal only in ecclesiastical or scholastic matters (chronology, e. g. Íb. ch. 1, 10). At the same time the word in speech and writing was commonly used without any specification of tírætt or tólfrætt, for, as Pal Vídalín remarks, every one acquainted with the language knew which was meant in each case; even at the present time an Icel. farmer counts his flocks and a fisherman his share (hlutr) by the duodecimal system; and everybody knows that a herd or share of one hundred and a half means 120 + 60 = 180. In old writers the popular way of counting is now and then used even in chronology and in computation, e. g. when Ari Frode (Íb. ch. 4) states that the year consists of three hundred and four days (meaning 364); the census of franklins given by the same writer (where the phrase is hundruð heil = whole or full hundreds) is doubtless reckoned by duodecimal, not decimal hundreds, Íb. ch. 10; and in the census of priests and churches taken by bishop Paul (about A. D. 1200) ‘tíræð’ is expressively added, lest duodecimal hundreds should be understood, Bs. i. 136. The Landn. (at end) contains a statement (from Ari?) that Iceland continued pagan for about a hundred years, i. e. from about 874–997 A. D. In the preface to Ólafs S., Snorri states that two duodecimal hundreds (tvau hundruð tólfræð) elapsed from the first colonisation of Iceland before historical writing began (i. e. from about A. D. 874–1115): levies of ships and troops are in the laws and Sagas counted by duodecimal hundreds, e. g. the body-guard of king Olave consisted of a hundred hirð-men, sixty house-carles and sixty guests, in all ‘two hundred’ men, i. e. 240, Mork. 126; the sons of earl Strút-Harald had a hundred men, of whom eighty were billetted out and forty returned, Fms. xi. 88, 89; hálft hundrað, a half hundred = sixty, Mork. l. c.

2. a division of troops = 120; hundraðs-flokkr, Fms. vi. (in a verse).

II. in indef. sense, hundreds, a host, countless number, see hund-, as also in the adverb, phrase, hundruðum, by hundreds (indefinitely), Fms. vi. 407, Þiðr. 275, 524: in mod. usage as adjective and indecl., except the pl. in -uð, thus hundruð ásauðum, Dipl. iv. 10.

B. As value, a hundred, i. e. a hundred and twenty ells of the stuff wadmal, and then simply value to that amount (as a pound sterling in English). All property, real as well as personal, is even at present in Icel. taxed by hundreds; thus an estate is a ‘twenty, sixty, hundred’ estate; a franklin gives his tithable property as amounting to so and so many hundreds. As for the absolute value of a hundred, a few statements are sufficient, thus e. g. a milch cow, or six ewes with lambs, counts for a hundred, and a hundrað and a kúgildi (cow’s value) are equal: the charge for the alimentation of a pauper for twelve months was in the law (Jb. 165) fixed to four hundred and a half for a male person, but three hundred and a half for a female; cp. also the phrase, það er ekki hundrað í hættunni, there is no hundred at stake, no great risk! In olden times a double standard was used,—the wool or wadmal standard, called hundrað talið = a hundred by tale, i. e. a hundred and twenty ells as stated above, and a silver standard, called hundrað vegit, a hundred by weight, or hundrað silfrs, a hundred in silver, amounting to two marks and a half = twenty ounces = sixty örtugar; but how the name hundred came to be applied to it is not certain, unless half an örtug was taken as the unit. It is probable that originally both standards were identical, which is denoted by the phrase, sex álna eyrir, six ells to an ounce, or a hundred and twenty ells equal to twenty ounces (i. e. wadmal and silver at par); but according as the silver coinage was debased, the phrases varied between nine, ten, eleven, twelve ells to an ounce (N. G. L. i. 80, 81, 387, 390, passim), which denote bad silver; whereas the phrase ‘three ells to an ounce’ (þriggja álna eyrir, Sturl. i. 163, passim, or a hundred in wadmal equal to half a hundred in silver) must refer either to a double ell or to silver twice as pure: the passage in Grág. i. 500 is somewhat obscure, as also Rd. 233: the words vegin, silfrs, or talin are often added, but in most cases no specification is given, and the context must shew which of the two standards is there meant; the wool standard is the usual one, but in cases of weregild the silver standard seems always to be understood; thus a single weregild (the fine for a man’s life) was one hundred, Njála passim.

2. the phrases, hundrað frítt, a hundred paid in cattle, Finnb. 236; tólf hundruð mórend, twelve hundred in dark striped wadmal, Nj. 225; hundrað í búsgögnum ok í húsbúningi, Vm. 65; hundraðs-gripr, hestr, hross, kapall, hvíla, sæng, rekkja, psaltari, etc., a beast, a horse, a bed, etc., of a hundred’s value, Am. 2, 10, Vm. 25, 39, 60, 153, Jm. 3, 30; hundraðs-úmagi, a person whose maintenance costs a hundred, Vm. 156; hundraðs virði, a hundred’s value, 68. For references see the Sagas and laws passim, and for more information see Mr. Dasent’s Essay in Burnt Njal.

C. A hundred, a political division which in olden times was common to all Teut. nations, but is most freq. in old Swedish laws, where several hundreds made a hérað or shire; cp. the A. S. and Engl. hundred, Du Cange hundredum; old Germ. hunderti, see Grimm’s Rechts Alterthümer; the centum pagi of Caesar, Bell. Gall. iv. ch. 1, is probably the Roman writer’s misconception of the Teut. division of land into hundreds; this is also the case with Tacit. Germ. ch. 12: cp. the Swed. local names Fjaðrunda-land, Áttundaland, and Tíunda-land, qs. Fjaðr-hunda land, Átthunda land, Tíhunda land, i. e. a combination of four, eight, ten hundreds. The original meaning was probably a community of a hundred and twenty franklins or captains. This division is not found in Icel.

   The guiding principle of Portuguese foreign policy since the founding of the monarchy in the 12th century has been the maintenance of Portugal's status first as an independent kingdom and, later, as a sovereign nation-state. For the first 800 years of its existence, Portuguese foreign policy and diplomacy sought to maintain the independence of the Portuguese monarchy, especially in relationship to the larger and more powerful Spanish monarchy. During this period, the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, which began with a treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the kings of Portugal and England in 1386 (the Treaty of Windsor) and continued with the Methuen Treaty in 1703, sought to use England ( Great Britain after 1707) as a counterweight to its landward neighbor, Spain.

   As three invasions of Portugal by Napoleon's armies during the first decade of the 19th century proved, however, Spain was not the only threat to Portugal's independence and security. Portugal's ally, Britain, provided a counterweight also to a threatening France on more than one occasion between 1790 and 1830. During the 19th century, Portugal's foreign policy became largely subordinate to that of her oldest ally, Britain, and standard Portuguese histories describe Portugal's situation as that of a "protectorate" of Britain. In two key aspects during this time of international weakness and internal turmoil, Portugal's foreign policy was under great pressure from her ally, world power Britain: responses to European conflicts and to the situation of Portugal's scattered, largely impoverished overseas empire. Portugal's efforts to retain massive, resource-rich Brazil in her empire failed by 1822, when Brazil declared its independence. Britain's policy of favoring greater trade and commerce opportunities in an autonomous Brazil was at odds with Portugal's desperate efforts to hold Brazil.

   Following the loss of Brazil and a renewed interest in empire in tropical Africa, Portugal sought to regain a more independent initiative in her foreign policy and, especially after 1875, overseas imperial questions dominated foreign policy concerns. From this juncture, through the first Republic (1910-26) and during the Estado Novo, a primary purpose of Portuguese foreign policy was to maintain Portuguese India, Macau, and its colonies in Africa: Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau. Under the direction of the dictator, Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, further efforts were made to reclaim a measure of independence of foreign policy, despite the tradition of British dominance. Salazar recognized the importance of an Atlantic orientation of the country's foreign policy. As Herbert Pell, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal (1937-41), observed in a June 1939 report to the U.S. Department of State, Portugal's leaders understood that Portugal must side with "that nation which dominates the Atlantic."

   During the 1930s, greater efforts were made in Lisbon in economic, financial, and foreign policy initiatives to assert a greater measure of flexibility in her dependence on ally Britain. German economic interests made inroads in an economy whose infrastructure in transportation, communication, and commerce had long been dominated by British commerce and investors. Portugal's foreign policy during World War II was challenged as both Allied and Axis powers tested the viability of Portugal's official policy of neutrality, qualified by a customary bow to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, who served as minister of foreign affairs, as well as prime minister, during 1936-45, sought to sell his version of neutrality to both sides in the war and to do so in a way that would benefit Portugal's still weak economy and finance. Portugal's status as a neutral was keenly tested in several cases, including Portugal's agreeing to lease military bases to Britain and the United States in the Azores Islands and in the wolfram (tungsten ore) question. Portugal's foreign policy experienced severe pressures from the Allies in both cases, and Salazar made it clear to his British and American counterparts that Portugal sought to claim the right to make independent choices in policy, despite Portugal's military and economic weakness. In tense diplomatic negotiations with the Allies over Portugal's wolfram exports to Germany as of 1944, Salazar grew disheartened and briefly considered resigning over the wolfram question. Foreign policy pressure on this question diminished quickly on 6 June 1944, as Salazar decreed that wolfram mining, sales, and exports to both sides would cease for the remainder of the war. After the United States joined the Allies in the war and pursued an Atlantic strategy, Portugal discovered that her relationship with the dominant ally in the emerging United Nations was changing and that the U.S. would replace Britain as the key Atlantic ally during succeeding decades. Beginning in 1943-44, and continuing to 1949, when Portugal became, with the United States, a founding member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Luso-American relations assumed center stage in her foreign policy.

   During the Cold War, Portuguese foreign policy was aligned with that of the United States and its allies in Western Europe. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the focus of Portuguese foreign policy shifted away from defending and maintaining the African colonies toward integration with Europe. Since Portugal became a member of the European Economic Community in 1986, and this evolved into the European Union (EU), all Portuguese governments have sought to align Portugal's foreign policy with that of the EU in general and to be more independent of the United States. Since 1986, Portugal's bilateral commercial and diplomatic relations with Britain, France, and Spain have strengthened, especially those with Spain, which are more open and mutually beneficial than at any other time in history.

   Within the EU, Portugal has sought to play a role in the promotion of democracy and human rights, while maintaining its security ties to NATO. Currently, a Portuguese politician, José Manuel Durão Barroso, is president of the Commission of the EU, and Portugal has held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU three times, in 1992, 2000, and 2007.

ἀνήρ, ὁ, ἀνδρός, ἀνδρί, ἄνδρα, voc. ἄνερ: pl. ἄνδρες, -δρῶν, -δράσι [pron. full] [ᾰ], -dras: [dialect] Aeol. dat. pl.

A

ἄνδρεσι Alc.Supp.14.8

: late nom. sg.

ἄνδρας Cat.Cod.Astr.7.109.7

: in [dialect] Att. the Art. often forms a crasis with the Noun, ἁνήρ for ὁ ἀνήρ, τἀνδρός, τἀνδρί for τοῦ ἀνδρός, etc., ἅνδρες for οἱ ἄνδρες; the [dialect] Ion. crasis is ὡνήρ, ὧνδρες, Hdt.4.161, 134: [dialect] Ep. also ἀνέρα, ἀνέρος, ἀνέρι, dual ἀνέρε, pl. ἀνέρες, ἀνέρας, ἄνδρεσσι. [[dialect] Ep. Poets mostly use [pron. full] ᾱ in arsi, [pron. full] ᾰ in thesi; but in trisyll. forms with stem ἀνέρ- always ᾱ; so also Trag. in lyr., S.Tr. 1011, OT 869. But in Trag. senarians [pron. full] ᾰ always.] (ἀ- in nom. by analogy; cf. Skt. nar- from I.-E. ner-, nṛ- from nṛ-, Gk. ἀνδρ- from ṇr-):—man, opp. woman ( ἄνθρωπος being man as opp. to beast), Il.17.435, Od.21.323; τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἄπαις without male children, Pl.Lg. 877e; in Hom. mostly of princes, leaders, etc., but also of free men; ἀ δήμου one of the people, Il.2.198, cf. Od.17.352; with a qualifying word to indicate rank,

ἀ. βουληφόρος Il.2.61

;

ἀ. βασιλεύς Od.24.253

;

ἡγήτορες ἄ. Il.11.687

.

II man, opp. god, πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε ib.1.544, al.; Διὸς ἄγγελοι ἠδὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν ib. 334, cf. 403, Hdt.5.63, etc.: most common in pl., yet sts. in sg., e.g. Il.18.432:—freq. with a Noun added, βροτοί, θνητοὶ ἄ., Od.5.197,10.306;

ἄ. ἡμίθεοι Il.12.23

; ἄ. ἥρωες ib.5.746:—also of men, opp. monsters, Od.21.303:—of men in societies and cities,

οὔτε παρ' ἀνδράσιν οὔτ' ἐν ναυσὶ κοίλαις Pi.O. 6.10

; and so prob.,

ἄλλοτε μέν τ' ἐπὶ Κύνθου ἐβήσαο.., ἄλλοτε δ' ἂν νήσους τε καὶ ἀνέρας.. h.Ap. 142

.

III man, opp. youth, unless the context determines the meaning, as in

οὔ πως ἔστι νεωτέρῳ ἀνδρὶ μάχεσθαι ἄνδρα γέροντα Od.18.53

; but ἀ. alone always means a man in the prime of life, esp. warrior,

ἀ. ἕλεν ἄνδρα Il.15.328

; so

ἀ. ἀντ' ἀνδρὸς ἐλύθησαν Th.2.103

; the several ages are given as

παῖς, μειράκιον, ἀ., πρεσβύτης X.Smp.4.17

; εἰς ἄνδρας ἐγγράφεσθαι, συντελεῖν, D.19.230, Isoc.12.212;

εἰς ἄνδρας ἀναβῆναι BMus.Inscr.898

; in Inscrr. relating to contests, opp. παῖδες, IG22.1138.10, etc.

IV man emphatically, man indeed,

ἀνέρες ἄστε, φίλοι Il.5.529

; freq. in Hdt.,

πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνθρωποι, ὀλίγοι δὲ ἄνδρες 7.210

;

πρόσθεν οὐκ ἀ. ὅδ' ἦν; S.Aj.77

;

ἄνδρα γίγνεσθαί σε χρή E.El. 693

;

ἀ. γεγένησαι δι' ἐμέ Ar.Eq. 1255

;

ὃ μαθὼν ἀ. ἔσει Id.Nu. 823

;

ἄνδρας ἡγοῦνται μόνους τοὺς πλεῖστα δυναμένους καταφαγεῖν Id.Ach.77

;

εἰ ἄνδρες εἶεν οἱ στρατηγοί Th.4.27

;

οὐκέτι ἀ. ἀλλὰ σκευοφόρος X.Cyr.4.2.25

;

τὸν Αυκομήδην.. μόνον ἄνδρα ἡγοῦντο Id.HG7.1.24

; οὐκ ἐν ἀνδράσι not like a man, E.Alc. 723, cf. 732; ἀνδρὸς τὰ προσπίπτοντα γενναίως φέρειν 'tis the part of a man.., Men.771, etc.

V husband, Il.19.291, Od.24.196, Hdt.1.146, etc.;

εἰς ἀνδρὸς ὥραν ἡκούσης τῆς κόρης Pl. Criti. 113d

; so

ἐξοικιεῖν εἰς ἀνδρὸς [οἶκον] θυγατέρα Luc.Lex.11

:—also of a paramour, opp. πόσις, S.Tr. 551, cf. E.Hipp. 491, Theoc.15.131;

ἀ. ἁπασῶν τῶν γυναικῶν ἐστι νῦν Pherecr.155

;

αἰγῶν ἄνερ Theoc.8.49

.

VI Special usages:

1 joined with titles, professions, etc.,

ἰητρὸς ἀ. Il.11.514

; ἀ. μάντις, ἀ. στρατηγός, Hdt.6.83,92 (dub.);

ἀ. νομεύς S.OT 1118

; ἄνδρες λοχῖται, λῃσταί, ἀσπιστῆρες, ib. 751, 842, Aj. 565; esp. in disparagement,

κλῶπες ἄ. E.Rh. 645

;

ἀ. δημότης S. Ant. 690

; with names of nations, as

Φοίνικες ἄ. Hdt.4.42

;

ἀ. Θρῇξ E. Hec.19

,al.; esp. in addresses,

ἄ. ἔφοροι Hdt.9.9

;

ἄ. πολῖται S.OT 513

;

ἄ. δικασταί D.21.1

, etc.; ὦ ἄνδρες gentlemen of the jury, Antipho 1.1, Lys.1.1, etc.;

ὦ ἄ. Ἀθηναῖοι Id.6.8

, etc.: hence in Comedy,

ἄ. ἰχθύες Archipp.29

;

ἄ. θεοί Luc.JTr.15

;

ὦ ἄ. κύνες Ath.4.160b

.

2 ὁ ἀνήρ, by crasis [dialect] Att. ἁνήρ, [dialect] Ion. ὡνήρ, is freq. used emphatically for

αὐτός, ἐκεῖνος Ar.V. 269

, prob. in Pl.Sph. 216b, etc.: sts. so in oblique cases without the Art., S.Tr.55, 109, 293, etc.; but not in Prose.

3 ἀ. ὅδε, ὅδ' ἀ., in Trag., = ἐγώ, S.Aj.78, E.Alc. 690, etc.

4 πᾶς ἀ. every man, every one, freq. in Pl.Lg. 736c, al., cf. E.Or. 1523.

5 a man, any man,

εἶτ' ἄνδρα τῶν αὑτοῦ τι χρὴ προϊέναι; Ar.Nu. 1214

;

οὐ πρέπει νοῦν ἔχοντι ἀνδρί Pl.Phd. 114d

, etc.; οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς.. ἐσθ' ὁ πλοῦς 'tis not every one that can go, Nicol.Com. 1.26.

6

ὦ δαιμόνι' ἀνδρῶν Eup.316

; and often with a [comp] Sup.,

ὦ φίλτατ' ἀνδρῶν Phryn.Com.80

, etc.

7

κατ' ἄνδρα

viritim,

Isoc. 12.180

, POxy. 1047 iii 11, BGU145.5, etc.; so τοὺς κατ' ἄνδρα individuals, opp. κοινῇ τὴν πόλιν, D.Chr.32.6.

8 In LXX, ἀνήρ = ἕκαστος, δότε μοι ἀνὴρ ἐνώτιον Jd.8.24; ἀ. τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ προσκολληθήσεται 'each to his fellow', of leviathan's scales, Jb.41.8; also

ἀ. εἷς 4 Ki.6.2

; with negs., ἀ. μὴ ἐπισκεπήτω ib.10.19;

ἀνὴρ ἀνήρ

any one, Le.

15.2

.

9 ἄνδρας γράφειν· τὸ ἐν διδασκάλου τὰ παιδία ὀνόματα γράφειν, Hsch.

VII male animal, Arist.HA 637b15.

SUBJECT AREA: Canals, Civil engineering

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Aubert was educated at the Lycée Louis-leGrand in Paris, and entered the Ecole Polytechnique in 1913. His studies were interrupted by the First World War, when he served as an artillery officer, being wounded twice and awarded the Croix de Guerre in 1916. He returned to the Ecole Polytechnique in 1919, and from 1920 to 1922 he attended the Ecole Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées; he graduated as Bachelor of Law from the University of Paris.

In 1922 he began his long career, devoted principally to river and canal works. He was engineer in charge of the navigation works in Paris until 1932; he was then appointed Professor in the Chair of Internal Navigation at the Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées, a post he held until his retirement in 1961. From 1933 to 1945 he was general manager and later chairman of the Compagnie Nationale du Rhône; from 1945 to 1953, chairman of the electricity board of the Société Nationale des Chemins de Fer français; and from 1949 to 1967, chairman of the Rhine Navigation Company. Following his retirement, he was chairman of the Société des Constructions des Batignolles, and from 1966 consulting engineer and honorary chairman of SPIE Batignolles; he was also chairman of several other companies.

In 1919 he published La Probabilité dans les tires de guerre, for which he was awarded the Pierson-Perrim prize by the Académie des Sciences in 1922. During his career he wrote numerous articles and papers on technical and economic subjects, his last, entitled "Philosophic de la pente d'eau", appearing in the journal Travaux in 1984 when he was ninety years old.

Aubert's principal works included the construction of the Pont Edouard-Herriort on the Rhône at Lyon; the design and construction of the Génissiat and Lonzères-Mondragon dams on the Rhône; and the conception and design of the Denouval dam on the Seine near Andresy, completed in 1980. He was awarded the Caméré prize in 1934 by the Académie des Sciences for a new type of movable dam. Overseas governments and the United Nations consulted him on river navigation inter alia in Brazil, on the Mahanadi river in India, on the Konkomé river in Guinea, on the Vistula river in Poland, on the Paraguay river in South America and others.

In 1961 he published his revolutionary ideas on the pente d'eau, or "water slope", which was designed to eliminate delays and loss of water in transferring barges from one level to another, without the use of locks. This design consisted of a sloping flume or channel through which a wedge of water, in which the barge was floating, was pushed by a powered unit. A prototype at Mon tech on the Canal Latéral at La Garonne, bypassing five locks, was opened in 1973. A second was opened in 1984 on the Canal du Midi at Fonserannes, near Béziers.

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δίκαιος, αία, ον (s. δικαιοσύνη; Hom.+; loanw. in rabb.)

① pert. to being in accordance with high standards of rectitude, upright, just, fair

ⓐ of humans

α. In Gr-Rom. tradition a δ. pers. is one who upholds the customs and norms of behavior, including esp. public service, that make for a well-ordered, civilized society (Hom, Od. 6, 120f hospitality and fear of God mark an upright pers.; Dem. 3, 21 a δίκαιος πολίτης gives priority to the interest of the state). Such perspective opened a bridge to Greco-Romans for understanding of Jewish/Christian perspectives: e.g. the description of an eccl. overseer (w. σώφρων, ὅσιος) Tit 1:8. Both polytheistic and monotheistic societies closely associated uprightness, with special reference to behavior toward humans (cp. Pla., Rep. 4, 443; Aristot. EN 5, 1, 1129a-1130a), and piety in reference esp. to familial obligations and deity (Augustus enshrined the perspective, taking pride in being awarded a crown for his δικαιοσύνη and εὐσέβεια Res Gestae 34). In keeping with OT tradition, NT writers emphasize a connection between upright conduct and sense of responsibility to God; δ. like צַדִּיק=conforming to the laws of God and people. General definition ὁ ποιῶν τὴν δικαιοσύνην δ. ἐστιν one who does what is right, is righteous 1J 3:7; cp. Rv 22:11.—Ro 5:7. δικαίῳ νόμος οὐ κεῖται law does not apply to an upright person 1 Ti 1:9. οὐκ ἔστιν δίκαιος Ro 3:10 (cp. Eccl 7:20); δ. παρὰ τῷ θεῷ righteous in the sight of God Ro 2:13; δ. ἐναντίον τοῦ θεοῦ (Gen 7:1; Job 32:2) Lk 1:6. W. φοβούμενος τὸν θεόν of Cornelius Ac 10:22. W. εὐλαβής (Pla., Pol. 311ab ἤθη εὐλαβῆ κ. δίκαια, τὸ δικαιον κ. εὐλαβές) Lk 2:25. W. ἀγαθός (Kaibel 648, 10; Jos., Ant. 8, 248; 9, 132 ἀνὴρ ἀγ. κ. δίκ.; s. ἀγαθός 2aα) 23:50; ἀθῷος (Sus 53) 1 Cl 46:4; ὅσιος (En 103:9) 2 Cl 15:3; ταπεινός B 19:6. (ὡς δίκαιον καὶ ἀναμάρτητον Just., D. 47, 5). Serving God w. a pure heart makes one δ. 2 Cl 11:1. Hence the δίκαιοι=the just, the upright in a specif. Israelite-Christian sense Mt 13:43 (cp. Da 12:3 Theod.) Lk 1:17; 1 Pt 3:12 (Ps 33:16); 1 Cl 22:6 (Ps 33:16); 33:7; 45:3f; 48:3 (Ps 117:20); 2 Cl 6:9; 17:7; 20:3f; B 11:7 (Ps 1:5f); MPol 14:1; 17:1; also of those who only appear upright (cp. Pr 21:2) Mt 23:28; Lk 18:9; 20:20; specifically of Christians Mt 10:41; Ac 14:2 D; 1 Pt 4:18 (Pr 11:31); Hv 1, 4, 2. W. apostles MPol 19:2; cp. 1 Cl 5:2. Esp. of the righteous of the OT: πατέρες δ. 1 Cl 30:7. W. prophets Mt 13:17; 23:29 (perh. teachers: DHill, NTS 11, ’64/65, 296–302). Of Abel (Did., Gen. 181, 10) Mt 23:35 (construction with τοῦ αἵματος deserves consideration: GKilpatrick, BT 16, ’65, 119); Hb 11:4; Enoch 1 Cl 9:3; Lot 2 Pt 2:7f (Noah: Just., D. 20, 1; 138, 1; δίκαιοι καὶ πατριάρχαι ibid. 67, 7); John the Baptist (w. ἅγιος) Mk 6:20; δ. τετελειωμένοι just persons made perfect (i.e., who have died) Hb 12:23. Opp. ἄδικοι (Pr 17:15; 29:27; En 99:3; 100:7) Mt 5:45; Ac 24:15; 1 Pt 3:18; ἁμαρτωλοί (Ps 1:5; En 104:6 and 12; PsSol 2:34) Mt 9:13; Mk 2:17; Lk 5:32; 15:7; ἁμαρτωλοί and ἀσεβεῖς (Ps 1:5f) 1 Ti 1:9; 1 Pt 4:18 (Pr 11:31); πονηροί (Pr 11:15) Mt 13:49 (μοχθηροί Tat. 3, 2). W. regard to the Last Judgment, the one who stands the test is δ. righteous Mt 25:37, 46.—Ro 1:17 (s. ζάω 2bβ); Gal 3:11; Hb 10:38 (all three Hab 2:4; cp. Larfeld I 494); Ro 5:19. Resurrection of the just Lk 14:14; prayer Js 5:16; cp. 5:6 (1bβ below). Joseph, who is interested in doing the right thing honorable, just, good (Jos., Ant. 15, 106; Diod S 33, 5, 6 ἀνδρὸς εὐσεβοῦς κ. δικαίου; Conon [I B.C.–I A.D.]: 26 Fgm. 1, 17 Jac.; Galen CMG V/10, 3 p. 33, 13f [XVIII/1 p. 247 K.] ἄνδρες δ.) Mt 1:19 (w. connotation of ‘merciful’ DHill, ET 76, ’65, 133f; s. δικαιοσύνη 3b).

β. of things relating to human beings ἔργα 1J 3:12; αἷμα δ. (Jo 4:19; La 4:13=αἷμα δικαίου Pr 6:17, where αἷ. δίκαιον is a v.l.) blood of an upright, or better, an innocent man Mt 23:35 (s. 1bβ below), and esp. 27:4, where δ. is v.l. for ἀθῷον; AcPl Ha 11, 8; ψυχὴ δ. upright soul (cp. Pr 10:3; s. also GrBar 10:5) 2 Pt 2:8; πνεῦμα δ. upright spirit Hm 5, 2, 7; ἐντολή (w. ἁγία and ἀγαθή) Ro 7:12. κρίσις (Dt 16:18; Is 58:2; 2 Macc 9:18; 3 Macc 2:22; Jos., Ant. 9, 4) J 5:30; 7:24; 8:16 v.l.; 2 Th 1:5; B 20:2. Pl. Rv 16:7; 19:2. φύσει δικαίᾳ by an upright nature IEph 1:1 (Hdb. ad loc.; Orig., C. Cels. 5, 24, 8); ὁδὸς δ. (Vi. Aesopi I G 85 P. of the ‘right way’) 2 Cl 5:7; B 12:4; pl. Rv 15:3.

ⓑ of transcendent beings. Because of their privileged status as authority figures, the idea of fairness or equity is associated w. such entities (for δ. in the sense of ‘equitable’ in a very explicit form s. Strabo 4, 18, 7).

α. God (NRhizos, Καππαδοκικά 1856, p. 113: it is gener. assumed that deities are just or fair, but the attribute is esp. affirmed in an ins fr. Tyana Θεῷ δικαίῳ Μίθρᾳ.—JMordtmann, MAI 10, 1885, 11–14 has several exx. of ὅσιος κ. δίκαιος as adj. applied to gods in west Asia Minor.—δικ. of Isis: PRoussel, Les cultes égypt. à Delos 1916, p. 276.—Oft. in OT; Jos., Bell. 7, 323, Ant. 11, 55 [w. ἀληθινός]; Just., A II, 12, 6, D. 23, 2) just, righteous w. ref. to God’s judgment of people and nations κριτὴς δ. a righteous judge (Ps 7:12; 2 Macc 12:6; PsSol 9:2; cp. the description of Rhadamanthys, Pind., O. 2, 69) 2 Ti 4:8; δ. ἐν τοῖς κρίμασιν 1 Cl 27:1; 60:1; cp. 56:5 (Ps 140:5); πατὴρ δ. J 17:25; cp. Ro 3:26; 1J 2:29; cp. 3:7; ὁ θεὸς ὁ παντοκράτωρ δ. AcPlCor 2:12. W. ὅσιος (Ps 144:17; Dt 32:4) Rv 16:5. W. πιστός 1J 1:9.

β. of Jesus who, as the ideal of an upright pers. is called simply ὁ δ. the upright one (HDechent, D. ‘Gerechte’, Eine Bezeichnung für d. Messias: StKr 100, 1928, 439–43) Ac 7:52; 22:14; Mt 27:19, cp. 24 v.l.; 1J 2:1; 3:7b; Lk 23:47 (for Gr-Rom. associations in favor of upright, esp. in Lk 23:47 s. Danker, Benefactor ’82, 345f. GKilpatrick, JTS 42, ’41, 34–36, prefers innocent, so also Goodsp., Probs. 90f, but against this interp. s. RHanson, Hermathena 60, ’42, 74–78; RKarris, JBL 105, ’86, 65–74). W. ἅγιος Ac 3:14. On the qu. whether Js 5:6 applies to Jesus, s. KAland, TLZ ’44, 103 and MDibelius, Commentary (Hermeneia), ad loc. (but s. Greeven’s note in this comm. p. 240, 58: ‘perhaps a veiled, melancholy allusion to the death of James’).—Also of angels Hs 6, 3, 2.

② The neuter denotes that which is obligatory in view of certain requirements of justice, right, fair, equitable (Dio Chrys. 67 [17], 12; Jos., Ant. 15, 376; cp. Strabo 4, 18, 7; s. Larfeld I 494) δ. παρὰ θεῷ it is right in the sight of God 2 Th 1:6. Also δ. ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ Ac 4:19; δ. καὶ ὅσιον it is right and holy 1 Cl 14:1, pl. Phil 4:8; δ. ἐστιν it is right Eph 6:1; w. inf. foll. Phil 1:7; 1 Cl 21:4 (cp. Hyperid. 6, 14; PSI 442, 14 [III B.C.] οὐ δίκαιόν ἐστι οὕτως εἶναι; Sir 10:23; 2 Macc 9:12; 4 Macc 6:34); δ. ἡγοῦμαι I consider it right (Diod S 12, 45, 1 δ. ἡγοῦντο) 2 Pt 1:13; τὸ δ. (Appian, Bell. Civ. 4, 97 §409 τὸ δ.=the just cause; Arrian, Anab. 3, 27, 5; Polyb.; IMagnMai; SEG XLI, 625, 5; pap; 2 Macc 4:34; 10:12; 3 Macc 2:25; EpArist; Jos., Bell. 4, 340 Ant. 16, 158; το νῦν δ. Tat. 1, 3) what is right Lk 12:57. τὸ δ. παρέχεσθαι give what is right Col 4:1. ὸ̔ ἐὰν ᾖ δ. δώσω ὑμῖν whatever is right I will give you Mt 20:4 (Diod S 5, 71, 1 τὸ δίκαιον άλλήλοις διδόναι; 8, 25, 4). Abstract for concrete (Philipp. [=Demosth. 12] 23 μετὰ τοῦ δ.; Dio Chrys. 52 [69], 6 ἄνευ νόμου κ. δικαίου; Ael. Aristid, 46 p. 302 D.) τὸ δίκαιον ὀρθὴν ὁδὸν ἔχει uprightness goes the straight way Hm 6, 1, 2. Pl. (Diod S 15, 11, 1; 19, 85, 3; Appian, Samn. 11 §4 al.; Lucian, Dial. Mort. 30, 1; Jos., Ant. 19, 288; SibOr 3, 257; Just., A I, 68, 3 δ. ἀξιοῦν; D. 28, 4 φυλάσσει τὰ αἰώνια δ.) δίκαια βουλεύεσθαι have upright thoughts Hv 1, 1, 8 (cp. λαλεῖν Is 59:4; ἐκζητήσεται 1 Macc 7:12; κρίνειν Ar. 15, 4; Just., A II, 15, 5).—B. 1180. DELG s.v. δίκη. M-M. TW. Spicq. Sv.

 

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