-
1 kdo
who, whoever -
2 kъto
kъto Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who'Page in Trubačev: XIII 248Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:tkȍ `who?' [prn];kȍ `who?' [prn]Slovene:kdọ́ `who?' [prn]Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: kʷos+toOther cognates: -
3 koterъ
koterъ; kotorъ Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, which'Page in Trubačev: XI 201-203Old Church Slavic:Russian:kotóryj `which, (rel.) who, which' [prn]Slovak:koterý `which' [prn];kotorý `which' [prn];kotrý `which' [prn]Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:kótary `which' [prn]Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:kotę́ri `which' [prn];katę́ri `which' [prn]Bulgarian:kótryj (Gerov) `which' [prn];kotrí (dial.) `which' [prn]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kot(e)rosLithuanian:katràs `which (of the two)' [prn]Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-ter-o-Other cognates:Skt. katará- `which (of the two)'; -
4 kotorъ
koterъ; kotorъ Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, which'Page in Trubačev: XI 201-203Old Church Slavic:Russian:kotóryj `which, (rel.) who, which' [prn]Slovak:koterý `which' [prn];kotorý `which' [prn];kotrý `which' [prn]Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:kótary `which' [prn]Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:kotę́ri `which' [prn];katę́ri `which' [prn]Bulgarian:kótryj (Gerov) `which' [prn];kotrí (dial.) `which' [prn]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kot(e)rosLithuanian:katràs `which (of the two)' [prn]Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-ter-o-Other cognates:Skt. katará- `which (of the two)'; -
5 kъjь
kъjь Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, what, which'Page in Trubačev: XIII 116-117Old Church Slavic:Russian:Slovak:ký `what, which' [prn], ká [Nomsf], ké [Nomsn]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:kòjī `what, which' [prn], kòjā [Nomsf], kòjē [Nomsn]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kosLithuanian:kàs `who, which' [prn]Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 644 -
6 bèrdjь
bèrdjь Grammatical information: adj. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `with young, pregnant'Page in Trubačev: I 188-189Church Slavic:brěžda `pregnant' [Nomsgf];Russian:beréžaja (dial.) `in foal' [Nomsgf];berëžaja (dial.) `mare in foal' [Nomsgf]Ukrainian:beréža `with young' [Nomsgf]Czech:březí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Old Czech:břězí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Serbo-Croatian:brȅđ (W. dial.) `pregnant, (Cr.) in calf' [adj jo];Čak. brȅja (Orbanići) `pregnant (of a cow), with young' [Nomsgf]Slovene:brẹ́ja `with young' [Nomsgf]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: berʔdiosLithuanian:ber̃(g)ždžias `barren (of a cow)' [adj] 4;ber(g)ždė̃ `barren cow' [f ē]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerdieh₂IE meaning: pregnantComments: Both *bʰerdʰieh₂ and *bʰerHdʰieh₂ would have yielded forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdʰ originating from syncope). A proto-form *bʰerHdieh₂ would therefore theoretically be possible. Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brěžda possible, suggests that an original noun *bʰori- > *fori `birther' was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406).Other cognates: -
7 matorъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
8 materъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
9 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
10 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
11 morà
morà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `nightly spirit, nightmare'Page in Trubačev: XIX 211-214Church Slavic:Russian:móra (dial.) `mythological female creature, ghost, darkness' [m/f ā] \{1\}Ukrainian:móra (dial.) `nightmare, house-spirit' [f ā]Czech:můra \{4\} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ā]Slovincian:mùora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:mòra `nightmare' [f ā] \{2\};Čak. Morȁ (Orbanići) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping;makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ā]Slovene:móra `nightmare, owl' [f ā] \{3\}Bulgarian:morá `nightmare' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: mor-eh₂Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 735-736Comments: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara.Other cognates:OIr. mor-rígain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] \{5\}Notes:\{1\} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikímora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. \{2\} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžić's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanići). \{3\} There is a variant mȏra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' ( Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. \{4\} In dialects, we find a variant mora. -
12 nekъto
nekъto; někъto Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `someone'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 146-147Old Church Slavic:někъto `someone' [prn]Russian:nékto `someone' [prn]Czech:někdo `someone' [prn]Old Czech:někto `someone' [prn];někdo `someone' [prn]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:nȅko `someone' [prn]Slovene:nẹkdọ́ `someone' [prn]Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: ne+kʷos+to; nē+kʷos+to -
13 někъto
nekъto; někъto Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `someone'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 146-147Old Church Slavic:někъto `someone' [prn]Russian:nékto `someone' [prn]Czech:někdo `someone' [prn]Old Czech:někto `someone' [prn];někdo `someone' [prn]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:nȅko `someone' [prn]Slovene:nẹkdọ́ `someone' [prn]Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: ne+kʷos+to; nē+kʷos+to -
14 òlčьnъ
òlčьnъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hungry'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 52-53Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:álčnyj `greedy, grasping, (obs.) hungry' [adj o];álošnoj (dial.) `greedy' [adj o];álašnyj (dial.) `greedy' [adj o]Old Russian:Czech:lačný `hungry, greedy' [adj o]Slovak:lačný `hungry, greedy' [adj o]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lȁčan `hungry' [adj o];Čak. lȁčan (Orbanići) `hungry' [adj o]Slovene:láčǝn `hungry' [adj o], láčna [Nomsf]Bulgarian:álčen `greedy' [adj o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: olʔkino-Lithuanian:álkanas `sober' [adj o]Latvian:al̂kans `greedy, hungry' [adj o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: HolHk-teiPage in Pokorny: 307 -
15 ūslò(?)
ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'Russian:usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).Notes:\{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'
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