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1 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
2 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
3 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
4 bel(e)niti
bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159Russian:(uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}Slovene:blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}Bulgarian:blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-Page in Pokorny: 120Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).Notes:\{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'. -
5 belnovati
bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159Russian:(uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}Slovene:blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}Bulgarian:blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-Page in Pokorny: 120Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).Notes:\{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'. -
6 bolniti
bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159Russian:(uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}Slovene:blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}Bulgarian:blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-Page in Pokorny: 120Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).Notes:\{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'. -
7 blekъ
blekъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 109Czech:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:blȇk `bleating' [m o]Slovene:blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-Page in Pokorny: 157Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'. -
8 diriti
diriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `look for'Page in Trubačev: V 31Bulgarian:dírja `look for, seek, strive for' [verb]Lithuanian:dyrė́ti (coll.) `look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding' [verb]Comments: According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with -> *dьrati `tear'. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: ??), is not unattractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or * deih₂-r-, cf. Skt. dayi `shine, radiate'.Other cognates: -
9 gỳnǫti
gỳnǫti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `perish'Page in Trubačev: VII 218-219Old Church Slavic:gybnǫti `perish' [verb], gybnǫ [1sg]Russian:gíbnut' `perish' [verb], gíbnų [1sg], gíbnet [3sg]Czech:Slovak:hynút `perish, decay' [verb]Polish:ginąć `perish' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:gȉnuti `perish' [verb]Slovene:gíniti `perish' [verb], gȋnem [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: gʰubʰ-Notes:The acute root is secondary, as is often the case in verbs in -nǫti. -
10 mogti
mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]Slovene:móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]Bulgarian:móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-Lithuanian:magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-IE meaning: be able, capablePage in Pokorny: 695Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).Other cognates:Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift';Notes:\{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature). -
11 sęgnǫti
sęgnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `reach for, attain'Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Russian:Czech:sáhnouti `touch, reach for' [verb]Slovak:Polish:sięgnąć `reach for, reach' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:ségnuti `reach' [verb];sȅgnuti se (Vuk) `reach for' [verb]Slovene:sę́gniti `reach for' [verb], sę̑gnem [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: se(n)gComments: According to Kortlandt (1988: 389), the fact that Winter's law apparently did not operate in this verb is due to the cluster *- ngn-, which blocked the law.Notes:\{1\} Only prefixed verbs, e.g. prisęgnǫti (Supr.) `touch'. -
12 sovati
sovati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `shove'Old Church Slavic:Russian:sovát' `shove, thrust' [verb], sujú [1sg], suët [3sg]Czech:Old Czech:Polish:suwać `shove, slide' [verb]Slovene:suváti `thrust, knock' [verb], súvem [1sg], sújem [1sg];súvati `thrust, knock' [verb], súvam [1sg];sováti `thrust, knock' [verb], sújem [1sg]Lithuanian:šáuti `shoot' [verb]Latvian:šaũt `shoot' [verb];saũt (E. Latv.) `shoot' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: ḱeuH-Notes:\{1\} Still common in prefixed verbs.
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