-
1 verjeten
likely, probable -
2 bolzìna
bolzìna Grammatical information: f. āPage in Trubačev: II 183-184Serbo-Croatian:blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]Slovene:blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnosLithuanian:balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3Latvian:bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]Old Prussian:balsinis `cushion';pobalso `bolster'Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).Other cognates: -
3 česnъ
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
4 česno
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
5 česnъkъ
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
6 degъtь
degъtь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `tar'Page in Trubačev: IV 204-205Russian:dëgot' `tar' [m jo]Ukrainian:díhot' `tar' [m jo];déhot' `tar' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:dziegieć `tar' [m jo]Slovene:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: degut(i)osLithuanian:degùtas `tar' [m o] 2Latvian:dęguts `tar' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: dʰegʷʰ-Comments: In view of the presumed connection between *žegti `burn' and Lith. dègti `id.', *degъtь is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a relic of the original root *deg- < dʰegʷʰ- (cf. Sɫawski SP III: 34-35), cf. Sln. dę́gniti `radiate', OCz. dehna `devil'. -
7 draskati
-
8 drě̄màti
drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'Page in Trubačev: V 108-109Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]Russian:dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]Czech:dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovak:Polish:drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovincian:dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]Slovene:drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]Bulgarian:drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).Other cognates:Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];Notes: -
9 jùgъ
jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:jȕg `south wind' [m o];jȕgo `south wind' [n o];Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]Slovene:jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative. -
10 mьstь
mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174Old Church Slavic:Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Bulgarian:măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]Page in Pokorny: 715Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.Other cognates: -
11 mьsta
mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174Old Church Slavic:Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Bulgarian:măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]Page in Pokorny: 715Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.Other cognates: -
12 vysòkъ
vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]Czech:vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]Slovak:vysoký `high' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]Slovene:visòk `high' [adj o]Bulgarian:visók `high, tall' [adj o]Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.Other cognates:OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj] -
13 vъtorъjь
vъtorъjь Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `second, secondaryOld Church Slavic:Russian:vtorój `second, secondary' [num o] \{2\}Ukrainian:vtóryj `second, secondary' [num o]Polish:wtóry (arch.) `second, secondary' [num o]Slovene:vtóri `second' [num o]Indo-European reconstruction: (h1)ui-tor-o-Comments: The PIE form may have had initial *h₁- < *d- as a result of dissimilation before a following dental. It is not very likely that the PIE form was *n-toro-, with an unparallelled zero grade of the root reflected in Lith. añtras `second', etc.Other cognates:Skt. vitarám (RV) `again, further' [adv];Notes:
См. также в других словарях:
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