-
1 edìnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
2 edьnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
3 olbǭdь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
4 olbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
5 elbedь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
6 elbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
7 děliti
děliti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `divide'Page in Trubačev: IV 233-234Old Church Slavic:dělitъ (Supr.) `divides' [3sg]Russian:delít' `divide' [verb], deljú [1sg], délit [3sg] \{1\}Czech:děliti `divide' [verb]Slovak:Polish:dzielić `divide' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:dijèliti `divide' [verb], dȉjeljīm [1sg];Čak. dīlȉti (Vrgada) `divide' [verb], dĩlīš [2sg];Čak. dielȉt (Orbanići) `divide' [verb], diẽlin [1sg]Slovene:dẹlíti `divide' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]Bulgarian:deljá `divide, share' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doil- (dail-?)Lithuanian:dailýti `divide' [verb], daĩlo [3ps]Comments: Slavic *děl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting * dʰoil- or * dʰail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. δαίομαι `distribute' < * deh₂-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dě́lъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction * deh₂i-l-.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140). -
8 drobìti
drobìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `crumble, crush'Page in Trubačev: V 119Old Church Slavic:droběi (Supr.) `crushing' [pprsa]Church Slavic:Russian:drobít' `crush' [verb], drobljú [1sg], drobít [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:drobić `crumble' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:dròbiti `crush, crumble' [verb], drȍbīm [1sg];Čak. drobȉti (Vrgada) `crush, crumble' [verb], drobĩš [2sg];Čak. drobȉt (Vrgada) `pulverize, crush' [verb], drobĩn [1sg]Slovene:drobíti `crumble, mince' [verb], drobím [1sg]Bulgarian:drobjá `crumble' [verb]Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 272Comments: LIV (153) reconstructs * dʰreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dʰrobʰ-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban. -
9 ě̑rъ
ě̑rъ II Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: cPage in Trubačev: VIII 178-179Old Church Slavic:Russian:járyj `furious, violent, vehement' [adj o] \{1\}Czech:jarý `young, fresh, wild' [adj o]Slovak:jarý `energetic, fresh, cheerful' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:jȃr (RJA) `heated, steep, cruel' [adj o]Slovene:jȃr `furious, savage' [adj o]Page in Pokorny: 501Comments: The connection with Gk. ζωρός `pure, sheer (of wine)' is, of course, merely a possibility. Note that a reconstructed form * ioH-ro- or * ieh₃-ro- would be affected by Hirt's law, which seems to be in conflict with the attested accentuation.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zalziajnak 1985: 138). -
10 jьgra
jьgra; jьgrь Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `play, game'Page in Trubačev: VIII 208-210Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Ukrainian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:ìgra `play(ing), dance' [f ā], ȉgru [Accs];Čak. igrȁ (Vrgada) `play(ing), dance' [f ā], igrȕ [Accs];Čak. ȉgra (Orbanići) `game, play' [f ā], ȉgro [Accs]Slovene:ígra `play' [f ā];igrà `play' [f ā]Bulgarian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 13Comments: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati `move, stir' < * h₂eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law. -
11 jьgrь
jьgra; jьgrь Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `play, game'Page in Trubačev: VIII 208-210Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Ukrainian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:ìgra `play(ing), dance' [f ā], ȉgru [Accs];Čak. igrȁ (Vrgada) `play(ing), dance' [f ā], igrȕ [Accs];Čak. ȉgra (Orbanići) `game, play' [f ā], ȉgro [Accs]Slovene:ígra `play' [f ā];igrà `play' [f ā]Bulgarian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 13Comments: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati `move, stir' < * h₂eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law. -
12 drě̄màti
drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'Page in Trubačev: V 108-109Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]Russian:dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]Czech:dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovak:Polish:drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovincian:dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]Slovene:drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]Bulgarian:drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).Other cognates:Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];Notes: -
13 luska
luska Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `peel, shell, pod, scale'Page in Trubačev: XVI 188-191Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:ljȕska `shell, pod, scale (of fish, reptiles)' [f ā];lȕska (arch.) `skin, shell, pod, scale (of fish), splinter' [f ā];Čak. lūskȁ (Orbanići) `splinter' [f ā], lūskȍ [Accs]Slovene:lȗska `scale, bran' [f ā]Latvian:làuskas2 `flake, dandruff' [Nompf ā]Comments: According to Vaillant, * luska is derived from the verb * luskati < * lup-sk-ati (< * loup-). Though the accentuation of several forms is in conflict with this etymology, its is nevertheless an attractive solution. The East Latvian form làuskas2 may very well differ etymologically from laûska `something broken, potsherd, splinter, the breaker (personification of frost)', which clearly derive from laûzt `break'. This raises the question to what extent *louǵ-sk- may be present in Slavic.
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