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to+be+in+conflict+(with)

  • 1 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 2 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 3 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 4 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 5 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 6 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 7 děliti

    děliti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `divide'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 233-234
    Old Church Slavic:
    dělitъ (Supr.) `divides' [3sg]
    Russian:
    delít' `divide' [verb], deljú [1sg], délit [3sg] \{1\}
    Czech:
    děliti `divide' [verb]
    Slovak:
    deliti `divide' [verb]
    Polish:
    dzielić `divide' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijèliti `divide' [verb], dȉjeljīm [1sg];
    Čak. dīlȉti (Vrgada) `divide' [verb], dĩlīš [2sg];
    Čak. dielȉt (Orbanići) `divide' [verb], diẽlin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹlíti `divide' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    deljá `divide, share' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doil- (dail-?)
    Lithuanian:
    dailýti `divide' [verb], daĩlo [3ps]
    Comments: Slavic *děl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting * dʰoil- or * dʰail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. δαίομαι `distribute' < * deh₂-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dě́lъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction * deh₂i-l-.
    Other cognates:
    Go. dailjan `divide' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děliti

  • 8 drobìti

    drobìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `crumble, crush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 119
    Old Church Slavic:
    droběi (Supr.) `crushing' [pprsa]
    Church Slavic:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, break' [verb]
    Russian:
    drobít' `crush' [verb], drobljú [1sg], drobít [3sg]
    Czech:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Slovak:
    drobit' `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Polish:
    drobić `crumble' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dròbiti `crush, crumble' [verb], drȍbīm [1sg];
    Čak. drobȉti (Vrgada) `crush, crumble' [verb], drobĩš [2sg];
    Čak. drobȉt (Vrgada) `pulverize, crush' [verb], drobĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    drobíti `crumble, mince' [verb], drobím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drobjá `crumble' [verb]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 272
    Comments: LIV (153) reconstructs * dʰreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dʰrobʰ-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.
    Other cognates:
    Go. gadraban `cut out' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drobìti

  • 9 ě̑rъ

    ě̑rъ II Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 178-179
    Old Church Slavic:
    jarъ (Zogr., Mar. Ass.) `austere' [adj o]
    Russian:
    járyj `furious, violent, vehement' [adj o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jarý `young, fresh, wild' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    jarý `energetic, fresh, cheerful' [adj o]
    Polish:
    jary (arch.) `clear, strong, hot' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃr (RJA) `heated, steep, cruel' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    jȃr `furious, savage' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 501
    Comments: The connection with Gk. ζωρός `pure, sheer (of wine)' is, of course, merely a possibility. Note that a reconstructed form * ioH-ro- or * ieh₃-ro- would be affected by Hirt's law, which seems to be in conflict with the attested accentuation.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ζωρός `pure, sheer (of wine)' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zalziajnak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ě̑rъ

  • 10 jьgra

    jьgra; jьgrь Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `play, game'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 208-210
    Old Church Slavic:
    igrь (Euch., Supr.) `entertainment, joke' [f i]
    Church Slavic:
    igra `entertainment, dance, play' [f ā]
    Russian:
    igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Czech:
    hra `play, game, entertainment, amusement' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    jhra `play, amusement' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hra `play, game, entertainment, amusement' [f ā];
    ihra (arch.) `play, entertainment' [f ā]
    Polish:
    gra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    igra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgra `play(ing), dance' [f ā], ȉgru [Accs];
    Čak. igrȁ (Vrgada) `play(ing), dance' [f ā], igrȕ [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgra (Orbanići) `game, play' [f ā], ȉgro [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígra `play' [f ā];
    igrà `play' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 13
    Comments: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati `move, stir' < * h₂eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgra

  • 11 jьgrь

    jьgra; jьgrь Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `play, game'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 208-210
    Old Church Slavic:
    igrь (Euch., Supr.) `entertainment, joke' [f i]
    Church Slavic:
    igra `entertainment, dance, play' [f ā]
    Russian:
    igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Czech:
    hra `play, game, entertainment, amusement' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    jhra `play, amusement' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hra `play, game, entertainment, amusement' [f ā];
    ihra (arch.) `play, entertainment' [f ā]
    Polish:
    gra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    igra `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgra `play(ing), dance' [f ā], ȉgru [Accs];
    Čak. igrȁ (Vrgada) `play(ing), dance' [f ā], igrȕ [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgra (Orbanići) `game, play' [f ā], ȉgro [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígra `play' [f ā];
    igrà `play' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 13
    Comments: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati `move, stir' < * h₂eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgrь

  • 12 drě̄màti

    drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'
    Page in Trubačev: V 108-109
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Russian:
    dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]
    Czech:
    dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovak:
    driemat' `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Polish:
    drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];
    Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];
    Lat. dormīre `sleep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In OCS, we only find drěmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drě̄màti

  • 13 luska

    luska Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `peel, shell, pod, scale'
    Page in Trubačev: XVI 188-191
    Russian:
    luská (Da l') `skin, peel, chaff' [f ā]
    Czech:
    luska (obs.) `pod, husk' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    luska `iron scale' [f ā]
    Polish:
    ɫuska `pod, shell, scale (of fish, reptiles)' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫuska `pod' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ljȕska `shell, pod, scale (of fish, reptiles)' [f ā];
    lȕska (arch.) `skin, shell, pod, scale (of fish), splinter' [f ā];
    Čak. lūskȁ (Orbanići) `splinter' [f ā], lūskȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lȗska `scale, bran' [f ā]
    Latvian:
    làuskas2 `flake, dandruff' [Nompf ā]
    Comments: According to Vaillant, * luska is derived from the verb * luskati < * lup-sk-ati (< * loup-). Though the accentuation of several forms is in conflict with this etymology, its is nevertheless an attractive solution. The East Latvian form làuskas2 may very well differ etymologically from laûska `something broken, potsherd, splinter, the breaker (personification of frost)', which clearly derive from laûzt `break'. This raises the question to what extent *louǵ-sk- may be present in Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > luska

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