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  • 1 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 2 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 3 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 4 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 5 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 6 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 7 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 8 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 9 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 10 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 11 dojìti

    dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'
    Page in Trubačev: V 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    doiti `breast-feed, nurse' [verb], dojǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];
    doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]
    Czech:
    dojiti `milk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dojit' `milk, give milk' [verb]
    Polish:
    doić `milk, (arch., dial. ) give milk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];
    Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];
    Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]
    Slovene:
    dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
    Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dojìti

  • 12 glistъ

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glistъ

  • 13 glīstà

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glīstà

  • 14 òlkati

    òlkati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be hungry'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 57-58
    Old Church Slavic:
    alъkati `be hungry, fast' [verb], alъčǫ [1sg];
    lakati `be hungry, fast' [verb], lačǫ [1sg] \{1\}
    Russian:
    alkát' `hunger (for), crave (for), (obs.) be hungry' [verb], álču [1sg], álčet [3sg]
    Old Russian:
    al(ъ)kati `hunger (for), crave (for)' [verb], alъču [1sg];
    lakati `hunger (for), crave (for)' [verb], laču [1sg]
    Old Czech:
    lákati `crave (for)' [verb], lákaju [1sg], láču [1sg]
    Slovene:
    lákati `be hungry, be greedy, starve' [verb], lákam [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: olʔktei
    Lithuanian:
    álkti `be hungry' [verb]
    Latvian:
    al̂kt `be hungry' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: HolHk-tei
    Page in Pokorny: 307
    Comments: The reconstruction * ōlk- < *h₁eh₁olk- (Rasmussen Sel. Pap.: 116) cannot account for the acute tone of the root.
    Other cognates:
    \{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the ratio between alъk- (including al'k- and alk-) and lak- is 19: 9, respectively. Zogr. (1: 4), Mar. (3: 1) and Ass. (3: 1) have both variants.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > òlkati

  • 15 slàbъ

    slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'
    Old Church Slavic:
    slabъ `weak' [adj o]
    Russian:
    slábyj `weak' [adj o]
    Czech:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Polish:
    sɫaby `weak' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];
    slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];
    Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];
    Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    slab `weak, bad' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];
    slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    slãbs `weak' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-
    Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.
    Other cognates:
    MLG slap `weak, slack' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > slàbъ

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