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that's+good!

  • 1 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 2 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 3 bȏgъ

    bȏgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `god'
    Page in Trubačev: II 161-163
    Old Church Slavic:
    bogъ `god' [m o]
    Russian:
    bog `god' [m o], bóga [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    boh `god' [m o], bóha [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bih `god' [m o], bóha [Gens]
    Czech:
    bůh `god' [m o], boha [Gens]
    Slovak:
    boh `god' [m o]
    Polish:
    bóg `god' [m o], boga [Gens]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bóh `god' [m o], boha [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȏg `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];
    Čak. bȏg (Vrgada, Novi) `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];
    Čak. buȏh (Orbanići) `God, Christ' [m o], bȍga [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bọ̑g `god' [m o], bogȃ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bog `god' [m o]
    Comments: The Slavic noun * bogъ is usually considered a borrowing from Iranian (cf. Vaillant Gr. I: 16). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the etymon does not show the effects of Winter's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhága- (RV+) `prosperity, good fortune' [m o];
    LAv. baɣa- `lord, god'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏgъ

  • 4 orь̀lъ

    orь̀lъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `eagle'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 232-234
    Old Church Slavic:
    orьlъ `eagle' [m o]
    Russian:
    orël `eagle' [m o], orlá [Gens]
    Czech:
    orel `eagle' [m o]
    Slovak:
    orol, orel `eagle' [m o]
    Polish:
    orzeɫ `eagle' [m o], orɫa [Gens]
    Upper Sorbian:
    worjoɫ `eagle' [m o], wórɫa [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jerjoɫ `eagle' [m o];
    jerjeɫ `eagle' [m o];
    herjoɫ (dial.) `eagle' [m o];
    herjeɫ (dial.) `eagle' [m o];
    horal (arch.) `eagle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    òrao `eagle' [m o]
    Slovene:
    órǝɫ `eagle' [m o], órla [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    orél `eagle' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: or-il-o-;; er-el-io-
    Lithuanian:
    erẽlis `eagle' [m jo] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ḕrglis `eagle' [m jo]
    Old Prussian:
    arelie `eagle'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃er-il-o \{2\}
    Certainty: +
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms is a good example of "Rozwadowski's change". It doesn't seem very plausible that within Slavic only the Low Sorbian forms would show the effect of this phenomenon.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὄρνις `bird'
    ;
    Go. ara `eagle'
    ;
    OIc. ǫrn `eagle'
    ;
    OIr. irar `eagle'
    ;
    Hitt. hara(n)- `eagle'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The variant arẽlis is limited to the area where e- becomes a- (Būga RR II: 508).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > orь̀lъ

  • 5 sъdòrvъ

    sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъdravъ `healthy' [adj o]
    Russian:
    zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];
    zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Old Russian:
    zdorovъ `healthy' [adj o];
    storovъ (Novg.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Czech:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Polish:
    zdrowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Old Polish:
    strowy (Gn.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];
    Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];
    Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    zdrav `healthy' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-
    Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];
    Av. druua- `healthy' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъdòrvъ

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