-
1 štab
штаб -
2 glavni štab
-
3 zabosti
stab, stick -
4 bostì
bostì Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'Page in Trubačev: II 222-223Old Church Slavic:Russian:bostí (Kalin. obl.) `butt' [verb]Czech:Old Czech:Polish:bóść `stab, butt' [verb], bodę [1sg]Serbo-Croatian:bòsti `sting, prick, stab' [verb], bòdēm [1sg];Čak. bȍsti (Vrgada) `sting, prick, stab' [verb], bodȅš [2sg];Čak. bȍs (Orbanići) `sting, prick, stab' [verb], bodȅn [1sg]Slovene:bósti `stab, butt' [verb], bódem [1sg]Lithuanian:bèsti `stick, drive (into), dig' [verb], bẽda [3sg] \{1\}Indo-European reconstruction: bʰodʰ-IE meaning: stabPage in Pokorny: 113Other cognates:Notes: -
5 bodàti
bodàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'Page in Trubačev: II 122-122Russian:bodát' `butt' [verb], bodáju [1sg]Czech:Slovak:Slovene:bọ̑dati `sting, stitch' [verb], bọ̑dam [1sg]Bulgarian:bodá `stab, feel a sharp pain' [verb]Lithuanian:badýti `butt, prick' [verb], bãdo [3ps]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰodʰ-IE meaning: stabPage in Pokorny: 113Comments: The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting * bodati under * badati because the o-vocalism is assumed to be analogical. Since in general *bodàti is also semantically closer to bostì (the meaning `investigate' is limited to bādàti) and in some languages occurs alongside *bādàti, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.Other cognates: -
6 kolti
kolti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'Page in Trubačev: X 154-156Old Church Slavic:Russian:kolót' `prick, stab, chop' [verb], koljú [1sg], kóljet [3sg]Czech:kláti `stab, beat, kill' [verb]Slovak:Polish:kɫuć `sting, prick' [verb]Slovincian:klùo̯c `sting, prick' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:klȁti `chop, cut' [verb], kȍljēm [1sg];Čak. klȁti `chop, cut' [verb], kȍl̨eš [2sg];Čak. klȁt (Orbanići) `slaughter' [verb], kȍlje [3sg]Slovene:kláti `sting, bite, slaughter, split, beat' [verb], kǫ́ljem [1sg]Bulgarian:kólja `slaughter, kill' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kolʔteiLithuanian:kálti `beat, forge' [verb]Latvian:kal̃t `beat, forge' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: kolH-Other cognates: -
7 generalen
генеральный, общий, общего характера, главныйgeneralni štab - генеральный штаб, генштаб -
8 bādàti
bādàti Grammatical information: v.Page in Trubačev: I 121-122Old Russian:Ukrainian:badáty `investigate, test' [verb]Czech:bádati `investigate' [verb]Slovak:bádat' `investigate' [verb]Polish:badać `investigate, check' [verb]Slovincian:bȧ̃dăc `push' [verb]Lower Sorbian:badaś `investigate' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:bádati `prick, go slowly' [verb], bȃdam [1sg]Lithuanian:badýti `stab' [verb], bãdo [3ps]Indo-European reconstruction: An iterative with long root vocalism (-> bostì).Page in Pokorny: 113Other cognates: -
9 blьskъ
blьskъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Old Czech:Lower Sorbian:Bulgarian:blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]Lithuanian:blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ. -
10 drьkolь
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
11 drьkolьje
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
12 dyra
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
13 dyr'a
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.
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