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should

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 čermъxa

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъxa

  • 3 čermъša

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъša

  • 4 čermъšь

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъšь

  • 5 čermuxa

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermuxa

  • 6 čermuša

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermuša

  • 7 dòl̨a

    dòl̨a Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `share, fate'
    Page in Trubačev: V 62-63
    Church Slavic:
    dolja (RuCS) `part, fate' [f jā]
    Russian:
    dólja `part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    dolja `part, fate' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    dólja `share, fate' [f jā]
    Ukrainian:
    dólja `fate, destiny' [f jā] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    s dolí < zdoly> `succesfully'
    Polish:
    dola `fate, destiny, (coll.) share' [f jā] \{1\}
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doljaʔ \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    dalià `fate, destiny' [f jā] 4
    Latvian:
    dal̨a `part, share' [f jā]
    Comments: According to Bańkowski (2000: 282), this etymon spread from Belorussian, where it originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The secondary meaning `fate' is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that Trubačëv mentions late 14th century attestations of dolja in Old Russian / Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning `fate' as well as in the meaning `part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation from around 1400.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The earliest attestations date from the 17th century (Bańkowski 2000: 282).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dòl̨a

  • 8 ernь

    ernь Grammatical information: f. i
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Old Russian:
    renь `hatred, malice, spite' [f i]
    Lithuanian:
    er̃nis `wolverine' [m io] 2
    Comments: Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. er̃nis `wolverine' to ORu. renь `hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root * er- `sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch, ärgern, reizen' (IEW 326-327). LIV (238, 303) distinguishes between * h₁er- `wohin gelangen, geraten' and * h₃er- (299) `sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen'. Formally * ertь may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ernь

  • 9 klěščiti

    klěščiti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: X 22-23
    Czech:
    kleštiti `castrate' [verb];
    klestiti `prune, clear, castrate' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    klestiti `castrate' [verb], klešču [1sg]
    Slovak:
    klieštit' `castrate' [verb]
    Polish:
    kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];
    kleszczyc (1902) `castrate' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]
    Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > klěščiti

  • 10 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 11 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 12 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 13 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

См. также в других словарях:

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  • Should — (sh[oo^]d), imp. of {Shall}. [OE. sholde, shulde, scholde, schulde, AS. scolde, sceolde. See {Shall}.] Used as an auxiliary verb, to express a conditional or contingent act or state, or as a supposition of an actual fact; also, to express moral… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • should — ► MODAL VERB (3rd sing. should) 1) used to indicate obligation, duty, or correctness. 2) used to indicate what is probable. 3) formal expressing the conditional mood. 4) used in a clause with ‘that’ after a main clause describing feelings. 5)… …   English terms dictionary

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  • should — should; should·er·er; should·na; …   English syllables

  • should've — [shood′əv] contraction should have * * * …   Universalium

  • should've — (should have) v. used to express the possibility that one ought to have done something …   English contemporary dictionary

  • should've — [shood′əv] contraction should have …   English World dictionary

  • should|n't — «SHUD uhnt», should not …   Useful english dictionary

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