Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

pace+of

  • 1 tempo

    Slovenian-english dictionary > tempo

  • 2 korak

    pace, step, stride

    Slovenian-english dictionary > korak

  • 3 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 4 durъ

    durъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: V 162
    Slovene:
    dúr `shy, wild' [adj o]
    Old Prussian:
    dūrai `shy' [adj Nompm]
    Comments: Perhaps to be analyzed as *dʰou-ro-, cf. Skt. dhā́vati, Gk. θέω `run'. There is no connection with Gk. θου̃ρος `rushing, impetuous, furious' (pace Trautmann 1910: 325, Vasmer s.v. durnój and others), which derives from * dʰrh₃-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > durъ

  • 5 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 6 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 7 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 8 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 9 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 10 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 11 òrkъ

    òrkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `crayfish'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 169-172
    Russian:
    rak `crayfish' [m o]
    Czech:
    rak `crayfish' [m o]
    Slovak:
    rak `crayfish' [m o]
    Polish:
    rak `crayfish' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    rȧ̃k `crayfish' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rȁk `crayfish' [m o];
    Čak. rȁk (Vrgada, Orbanići) `crayfish' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ràk `crayfish' [m o], ráka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    rak `crayfish' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: órʔk-; érʔk-
    Lithuanian:
    érkė `tick' [f ē]
    Latvian:
    ẽrce `tick' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} OPr. rokis (EV) `crayfish' and Lith. dial. rõkis (rókis) must be borrowings from Slavic (pace Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 31).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > òrkъ

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