Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

like+that

  • 1 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 2 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 3 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 4 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 5 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 6 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 7 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 8 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 9 aviti

    aviti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `show'
    Page in Trubačev: I 94-95
    Old Church Slavic:
    javiti `show, reveal' [verb];
    aviti `show, reveal' [verb]
    Russian:
    javít' `show, display' [verb], javljú [1sg], jávit [3sg]
    Czech:
    jeviti `show' [verb]
    Polish:
    jawić (obs.) `show' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jáviti `inform' [verb], jȃvīm [1sg];
    Čak. jå̑vȉti (Vrgada) `inform?' [verb], jå̃viš [2sg];
    Čak. jāvȉt (Vrgada) `(se) greet, answer' [verb], jãve [3sg]
    Slovene:
    jáviti `announce' [verb], jávim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    ovytis `appear' [verb], ovijasi [3sg] \{1\}
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. (arch.) ovytis `appear' derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje `in reality'. Fraenkel (I: 519) claims that ovytis `appear; rage' and Latv. âvîtiês `talk nonsense, get up to mischief' are inherited words cognate with óvaidas (< *avi-vaidas) `rowdy, braggart', while Lith. jė́vaidas (< *jeva-vaidas) `ghost' and Latv. jàvîtiês or jâvîtiês `to behave like an idiot' are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin: 22). I am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis `appear' and ovytis (also jõvytis) `rage' are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. óvaidas must be connected with Ukr. (dial.) jávida `devil', Ru. (dial.) jávidь `snake'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aviti

  • 10 majati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > majati

  • 11 mavati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mavati

  • 12 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 13 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 14 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 15 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 16 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 17 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 18 òlni

    òlni Grammatical information: f. ī Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `doe'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 70-71
    Old Church Slavic:
    alъnii (Supr.) `does' [Genpf iā] \{1\}
    Russian:
    lan' `fallow deer, doe' [f i]
    Czech:
    laň `doe' [f i/jā]
    Old Czech:
    laní `doe' [f iā]
    Slovak:
    laň `doe' [f i/jā]
    Old Polish:
    ɫani `doe' [f iā];
    ɫania `doe' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    làne `doe' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    álne (dial.) `young chamois' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ol-Hn-
    Lithuanian:
    élnis (arch.) `deer' [m io];
    álnis (dial.) `deer' [m io] 1;
    élnias `deer' [m jo] 1/3;
    élnė `doe' [f ē] 1;
    álnė (dial.) `doe' [f ē] 1
    Latvian:
    al̂nis `elk' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    alne (EV) `?deer'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ol-Hn-iH-
    IE meaning: deer
    Page in Pokorny: 303-304
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἐλλός (Hom.) `young of the deer, fawn'
    ;
    ἔλαφος `deer'
    \{2\};
    Arm. eɫn `deer'
    ;
    MIr. ailit `doe, hind' [f], ailte [Gens];
    MIr. elit `doe, hind' [f], eilte [Gens] \{3\};
    MW elein `young deer, doe, hind-calf' [f/m], alanet [Nom p] `young deer, doe, hind-calf' \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Provided that this is the correct reading of mьnii. \{2\} Probably < *h₁el-n-bʰo-. Like the Armenian word mentioned below, this form does not contain the "Hoffmann-suffix". \{3\} According to Schrijver (1995: 79) < PIE *el-(H)n + t-iH or *el-en + t-iH. \{4\} MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h₁)el-Hn- or *(h₁)el-n̥-i̯ (Schrijver 1995: 79).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > òlni

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