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in+this+way

  • 1 dъždžь

    dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'
    Page in Trubačev: V 195-197
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъždь `rain, rainstorm' [m jo]
    Russian:
    dožd' `rain' [m jo], doždjá `rain' [Gens]
    Czech:
    déšt' `rain' [m jo];
    dešt' `rain' [m jo]
    Old Czech:
    déšč `rain' [m jo], dšče [Gens]
    Slovak:
    dážd' `rain' [m jo], dažd'a [Gens]
    Polish:
    deszcz `rain' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    dešć `rain' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];
    dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;
    dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];
    Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;
    Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    dăžd `rain' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)
    Page in Pokorny: 227+184
    Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. durdina- `rain, shower, rainy weather' [n];
    Gk. εὐδία `fair weather' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъždžь

  • 2 brediti

    brediti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rave'
    Page in Trubačev: III 12
    Russian:
    brédit' `be delirious, rave, (dial.) clear a way' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    brediti (OUkr.) `talk rubbish' [verb];
    brěditi (OUkr.) `talk rubbish' [verb]
    Czech:
    bředit se (dial.) `writhe, forget out of malice' [verb]
    Polish:
    bredzić `be delirious, rave' [verb] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    brẽdyti `chatter, deceive' [verb] \{2\}
    Page in Pokorny: 164
    Comments: No doubt, this is the same root as in -> *brestì `wade', cf. Ru. sumasbród `madcap' (Van Wijk 1911: 128). We may be dealng with a denominative verb, (ESSJa) cf. Ru. bred `delirium, ravings'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Since the 16th century. According to Bańkowksi (2000: 74), we are dealing with a ruthenism. \{2\} A borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > brediti

  • 3 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 4 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

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