-
61 mě̄zgà
mě̄zgà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sap'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25Russian:mezgá (dial.) `sap-wood, pulp, membrane, remnants of meat on the inside of a hide' [f ā]Old Russian:mězga `sap, sap-wood, resin' [f ā];Czech:míza `sap' [f ā];Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:mjǻuzgă `sap' [f ā]Upper Sorbian:měza `sap' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:mězga `sap' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:mézga `sap' [f ā];mézgra `sap' [f ā]Slovene:mẹ́zga `sap' [f ā]Bulgarian:măzgá `sap' [f ā]Comments: Obviously, some forms have been influenced semantically and/or formally by -> *męzdra. The original meaning of the etymon seems to be `sap of (trees)' rather than `sap-wood'. The connection with MoHG Maische, MHG meisch, OE māx-wyrt `mash (in a brewery)' is not unattractive, but becomes less plausible if the Germanic word derives from OHG miscen, OE miscian `mix'. The ESSJa suggests that the root is *h₃meiǵʰ- (-> mižati II, etc.) and adduces Sln. mǝzẹ́ti `trickle', mẹ́žiti se `begin to contain sap'. The seemingly obvious semantic link may be secondary, however. -
62 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
63 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
64 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
65 òlni
òlni Grammatical information: f. ī Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `doe'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 70-71Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:laň `doe' [f i/jā]Old Czech:laní `doe' [f iā]Slovak:laň `doe' [f i/jā]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:làne `doe' [f jā]Bulgarian:álne (dial.) `young chamois' [f jā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ol-Hn-Lithuanian:élnis (arch.) `deer' [m io];álnis (dial.) `deer' [m io] 1;élnias `deer' [m jo] 1/3;élnė `doe' [f ē] 1;álnė (dial.) `doe' [f ē] 1Latvian:al̂nis `elk' [m io]Old Prussian:alne (EV) `?deer'Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ol-Hn-iH-IE meaning: deerPage in Pokorny: 303-304Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Provided that this is the correct reading of mьnii. \{2\} Probably < *h₁el-n-bʰo-. Like the Armenian word mentioned below, this form does not contain the "Hoffmann-suffix". \{3\} According to Schrijver (1995: 79) < PIE *el-(H)n + t-iH or *el-en + t-iH. \{4\} MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h₁)el-Hn- or *(h₁)el-n̥-i̯ (Schrijver 1995: 79). -
66 orlьja
orlьja Grammatical information: f. iā Proto-Slavic meaning: `field, arable land'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 177-179Old Russian:Ukrainian:rilljá `ploughed field' [f jā]Czech:rolí (S. dial.) `field, arable land' [n io]Old Czech:rolí `field, arable land' [f iā]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂e/orh₃-iH-Page in Pokorny: 62Comments: I assume that the root-final laryngeal had been lost in pretonic position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress. Note that in forms such as *ràdlo AP (a) originates from Hirt's law. -
67 ovьnъ
ovьnъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `ram'Old Church Slavic:Russian:ovén `Aries, (obs.) ram' [m o], ovná [Gens]Old Russian:Old Czech:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:òvan `ram' [m o], óvna [Gens];óvan `ram' [m o], óvna [Gens]Slovene:óvǝn `ram' [m o], óvna [Gens]Bulgarian:ovén `wether' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ou̯inosLithuanian:ãvinas `ram' [m o]Latvian:àuns `ram' [m o]Old Prussian:awins (EV) `ram'Indo-European reconstruction: h3eu-i-no-Page in Pokorny: 784 -
68 rǭkà
rǭkà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `hand'Old Church Slavic:rǫka `hand, arm' [f ā]Russian:ruká `hand, arm' [f ā], rúku [Accs]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ręka `hand' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:rúka `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];Čak. rūkȁ (Vrgada, Hvar) `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];Čak. ruokȁ (Orbanići) `hand' [f ā], ruȏko [Accs]Slovene:róka `hand' [f ā]Bulgarian:răká `hand' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: rónkaʔLithuanian:rankà `hand' [f ā] 2Latvian:rùoka `hand' [f ā]Old Prussian:Comments: The Balto-Slavic word for `hand' derives from a verbal root *urenk, cf. Lith. riñkti `gather'. Since deverbative ā-stems are usually immobile, Kortlandt (1977: 327) suggests that the accentuation is analogical after *nogà `foot, leg', where mobility is old.Other cognates:OIc. rá `corner, berth in a ship' [f] -
69 ūslò(?)
ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'Russian:usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).Notes:\{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?' -
70 vědrò
vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'Old Church Slavic:vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]Russian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Czech:vědro `bucket' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vjèdro `bucket' [n o];vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]Slovene:vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]Bulgarian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Lithuanian:vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3aLatvian:vę̂dars `belly' [m o]Old Prussian:weders (EV) `belly, stomach'Indo-European reconstruction: ued-rómComments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.Other cognates:Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];Notes:\{1\} With unclear -t-.
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