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he+is+expected

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 bȏlь

    bȏlь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pain'
    Page in Trubačev: II 191-192
    Old Church Slavic:
    bolь `sick person' [m i]
    Russian:
    bol' `pain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    bol' `pain' [m jo], bólju [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bil' `pain, suffering' [m jo], bólju [Gens]
    Czech:
    bol `sorrow, grief' [m o]
    Slovak:
    bôl' `sorrow, grief' [m o]
    Polish:
    ból `pain, sorrow, grief' [m o], bólu [Gens] \{1\}
    Kashubian:
    bu̯ȯl `pain' [m o], bu̯ȯlu \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    bȯ́ul `pain' [m o], bȯ́ulu̇_
    Upper Sorbian:
    ból `pain' [f jā], bole [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bol `pain, grief' [f i], boli [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȏl `pain, illness' [f i], bȍli [Gens];
    Čak. bȏl (Vrgada, Novi) `pain, illness' [f i], bȍli [Gens];
    Čak. buȏl (Orbanići) `pain, illness' [f i], boli [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bȏɫ `pain, suffering, grief' [f i], bȏli [Gens];
    bȏɫ `pain, suffering, grief' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bol (dial.) `pain, sick person' [m o];
    bol' (dial.) `sick person, illness' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    bol `pain' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰol(H)-i-
    Page in Pokorny: 125
    Comments: A deverbative of -> *bolěti.
    Other cognates:
    OCorn. bal `illness' [f];
    OIc. bǫl `misfortune, damage' [n], bǫlve [Dats];
    Go. balwawesei `wickedness' [f];
    OE bealu `woe, harm, wickedness' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Sɫawski mentions ból (17th/18th c.) `devil, demon', bolu [Gens] (SP I: 315). A variant with the expected short root vowel is also attested in dialects and in Kashubian ( Gens - olu alongside -ȯlu mentioned in Lorentz PW).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏlь

  • 3 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 4 ògn'ь

    ògn'ь Grammatical information: m. i / m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `fire'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 30-33
    Old Church Slavic:
    ognь `fire' [m i], ogni [Gens];
    ogn'ь `fire' [m jo], ognja [Gens]
    Russian:
    ogón' `fire' [m jo], ognjá [Gens];
    ogon' (N. dial.) `fire' [m? i], ogni [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    ohón' (dial.) `fire' [m jo], ohnjú [Gens];
    ohén' (dial.) `fire' [m i], ohný [Gens]
    Czech:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Polish:
    ogień `fire' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    vùo̯gȯu̯n `fire' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    woheń `fire' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    wogeń `fire' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    òganj `fire' [m jo], ògnja [Gens];
    Čak. ȍgań (Vrgada) `fire, hearth' [m jo], ȍgńa [Gens];
    Čak. ogáń (Novi) `fire' [m jo], ogńȁ [Gens];
    Čak. ugãnj (Orbanići) `fire' [m jo], ugnjȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    ógǝnj `fire' [m jo], ógnja [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    ógăn `fire' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ungnis
    Lithuanian:
    ugnìs `fire' [f i] 4
    Latvian:
    uguns `fire' [f i];
    uguns `fire' [m i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ngw-ni-
    Comments: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), * ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun * ungnis, where *- ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *vodà). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vỳgъn̨ь, vỳgъn̨a.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. agní- (RV+) `fire, Agni'
    ;
    Lat. ignis `fire'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ògn'ь

  • 5 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 6 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 7 rębika

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika

  • 8 rębina

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina

  • 9 rębь

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь

  • 10 rębъkъ

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębъkъ

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  • Expected Time Of Completion — est un anglicisme utilisé essentiellement dans la gestion de projets pour le calcul de l effort restant pour compléter une tâche, une partie de projet ou un projet dans son ensemble. Ce document provient de « Expected time of completion ».… …   Wikipédia en Français

  • Expected Time of Completion (ETC) — Expected time of completion Expected Time of Completion est un anglicisme utilisé essentiellement dans la gestion de projets pour le calcul de l effort restant pour compléter une tâche, une partie de projet ou un projet dans son ensemble. Ce… …   Wikipédia en Français

  • expected week of childbirth — (EWC) The week, beginning with the midnight between Saturday and Sunday, in which it is expected that childbirth will occur. Related links additional maternity leave (AML) notified leave date …   Law dictionary

  • expected loss — or expected risk The portion or component of risk or loss that is predicted by statistical analysis. American Banker Glossary …   Financial and business terms

  • expected risk — expected loss or expected risk The portion or component of risk or loss that is predicted by statistical analysis. American Banker Glossary …   Financial and business terms

  • expected — expected; un·expected; …   English syllables

  • Expected Family Contribution — (or EFC) is a term used in the college financial aid process. It is the estimate of the parents and/or student s ability to contribute to post secondary education expenses. The lower the EFC, the less money a family has to contribute to a child s …   Wikipedia

  • Expected time of completion — est un anglicisme utilisé essentiellement dans la gestion de projets pour le calcul de l effort restant pour compléter une tâche, une partie de projet ou un projet dans son ensemble. Portail des entreprises Catégorie : Gestion de pro …   Wikipédia en Français

  • expected value — A net present value of all the various possible outcomes at vesting or exercise of equity linked payments. Practical Law Dictionary. Glossary of UK, US and international legal terms. www.practicallaw.com. 2010 …   Law dictionary

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