-
121 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
122 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
123 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
124 obrěsti
obrěsti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `find'Page in Trubačev: XXIX 74-76Old Church Slavic:obrěsti `find' [verb], obręštǫ [1sg]Russian:obrestí (rhet.) `find' [verb], obretú [1sg], obretët [3sg], obrjášču (arch.) [1sg], obrjáščet [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:obrèsti se (dial.) `meet' [verb];obrȅs(t) (dial.) `be found, turn out to be' [verb] \{1\}Slovene:obrẹ́sti `find' [verb], obrẹ́tem [1sg]Lithuanian:\{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h3ebh-urētNotes:\{1\} According to Skok (III: 319), obresti was borrowed from Russian into the eastern variant of the literary language. The position of the dialect forms is unclear. \{2\} The Lithuanian verb surė̃sti `seize' (BB 26: 168), which Pokorny refers to, is obscure. -
125 oldi
oldi Grammatical information: f. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `boat'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 53-54Old Church Slavic:Russian:lód'ja (dial.) `boat, trough' [f iā]Old Russian:Ukrainian:lódja `boat, (dial.) `trough' [f iā]Czech:Old Czech:lodí `boat' [f iā]Polish:ɫódź `boat' [f i]Old Polish:ɫodziá `boat' [f iā]Serbo-Croatian:lȃđa `boat' [f jā];Čak. lå̃đa (Vrgada) `boat' [f jā]Slovene:ládja `boat' [f jā]Bulgarian:ládija `canoe, boat' [f jā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: old-iH-aHLithuanian:eldijà `hollowed out tree trunk, canoe' [f jā] 3b;aldijà `hollowed out tree trunk, canoe' [f jā] 3b \{1\}Indo-European reconstruction: Holdʰ-eh₂; h₂eldʰ-eh₂IE meaning: hollowed out object or spotCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 32Other cognates:Sw. ålla (dial.) `elongated deepened spot, container' [f];Notes:\{1\} According to Zinkevičius (1966: 124), the forms with a- occur exclusively in those dialects where *e- > a-. -
126 orlьja
orlьja Grammatical information: f. iā Proto-Slavic meaning: `field, arable land'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 177-179Old Russian:Ukrainian:rilljá `ploughed field' [f jā]Czech:rolí (S. dial.) `field, arable land' [n io]Old Czech:rolí `field, arable land' [f iā]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂e/orh₃-iH-Page in Pokorny: 62Comments: I assume that the root-final laryngeal had been lost in pretonic position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress. Note that in forms such as *ràdlo AP (a) originates from Hirt's law. -
127 osa
osa; osìna; jesìka Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `aspen'Page in Trubačev: I 80-81; XXXII 93Russian:osína `aspen' [f ā]Ukrainian:osýna `aspen' [f ā]Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:wósa `aspen' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Slovene:jesíka `aspen' [f ā];jasíka `aspen' [f ā]Bulgarian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Lithuanian:ẽpušė `aspen' [f ē];ãpušė (dial.) `aspen' [f ē] 1 \{1\};Ãpšė top. [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: aps-eh₂IE meaning: aspenCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 55Comments: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.Other cognates:OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]Notes:\{1\} Alongside epušė̃, apušė. -
128 osìna
osa; osìna; jesìka Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `aspen'Page in Trubačev: I 80-81; XXXII 93Russian:osína `aspen' [f ā]Ukrainian:osýna `aspen' [f ā]Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:wósa `aspen' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Slovene:jesíka `aspen' [f ā];jasíka `aspen' [f ā]Bulgarian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Lithuanian:ẽpušė `aspen' [f ē];ãpušė (dial.) `aspen' [f ē] 1 \{1\};Ãpšė top. [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: aps-eh₂IE meaning: aspenCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 55Comments: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.Other cognates:OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]Notes:\{1\} Alongside epušė̃, apušė.
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