-
1 òlkati
òlkati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be hungry'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 57-58Old Church Slavic:Russian:alkát' `hunger (for), crave (for), (obs.) be hungry' [verb], álču [1sg], álčet [3sg]Old Russian:Old Czech:lákati `crave (for)' [verb], lákaju [1sg], láču [1sg]Slovene:lákati `be hungry, be greedy, starve' [verb], lákam [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: olʔkteiLithuanian:álkti `be hungry' [verb]Latvian:al̂kt `be hungry' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: HolHk-teiPage in Pokorny: 307Comments: The reconstruction * ōlk- < *h₁eh₁olk- (Rasmussen Sel. Pap.: 116) cannot account for the acute tone of the root.Other cognates:\{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the ratio between alъk- (including al'k- and alk-) and lak- is 19: 9, respectively. Zogr. (1: 4), Mar. (3: 1) and Ass. (3: 1) have both variants. -
2 evьja
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
3 evьn̨a
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
4 olbǭdь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
5 olbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
6 elbedь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
7 elbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
8 glistъ
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
9 glīstà
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
10 borzdà
borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'Page in Trubačev: II 220Old Church Slavic:Russian:borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]Czech:brázda `furrow' [f ā]Slovak:brázda `furrow' [f ā]Polish:Slovincian:bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]Upper Sorbian:brózda `furrow' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}Slovene:brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]Bulgarian:brazdá `furrow' [f ā];brezdá `furrow' [f ā]Macedonian:brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]Lithuanian:bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}Latvian:bìrze `furrow' [f ē]Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.Other cognates:Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-Notes: -
11 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
12 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
13 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
14 slàbъ
slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'Old Church Slavic:Russian:slábyj `weak' [adj o]Czech:slabý `weak' [adj o]Slovak:slabý `weak' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]Slovene:slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}Latvian:slãbs `weak' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103). -
15 dojìti
dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'Page in Trubačev: V 53-54Old Church Slavic:Russian:doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]Slovene:dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]Bulgarian:dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]Page in Pokorny: 241Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.Other cognates:Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
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