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di+mobile

  • 1 okreten

    Slovenian-english dictionary > okreten

  • 2 prenosen

    mobile, portable

    Slovenian-english dictionary > prenosen

  • 3 blě̑dъ

    blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'
    Page in Trubačev: II 111-112
    Old Church Slavic:
    blědъ `pale' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];
    blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]
    Ukrainian:
    blidýj `pale' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Polish:
    blady `pale' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bladḯ `pale' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    blědy `pale' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];
    Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bled `pale' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-
    Lithuanian:
    blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-
    Page in Pokorny: 160
    Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    OE blāt `pale' [adj];
    OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑dъ

  • 4 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 5 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 6 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 7 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 8 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 9 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 10 cě̄nà

    cě̄nà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `price, value'
    Page in Trubačev: III 182
    Old Church Slavic:
    cěna `price, value' [f ā]
    Russian:
    cená `price, value' [f ā], cénu [Accs], cény [Nom p];
    cená `price, value' [f ā], cenú [Accs], cény [Nom p] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    ciná `price, value' [f ā], cinú [Accs]
    Czech:
    cena `price, value' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    cena `price, value' [f ā]
    Polish:
    cena `price, value' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    cijèna `price, value' [f ā], cijènu [Accs];
    Čak. cīnȁ (Vrgada) `price, value' [f ā], cīnȕ [Accs];
    Čak. cīnȁ (Hvar) `price, value' [f ā], cȋnu [Accs], cīnȕ [Accs];
    Čak. cēnȁ (Novi) `price, value' [f ā], cēnȕ [Accs];
    Čak. ciȇno (Orbanići) [Accsf ā]
    Slovene:
    cẹ́na `price, value' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    cená `price, value' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koinaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    káina `price, value' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    cìens `honour, respect' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kwoi-neh₂
    IE meaning: penance, penalty
    Certainty: +
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ποινή `penance, penalty' [f];
    Av. kaēnā `penance, penalty' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The variant with mobile stress is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138), 17th and 18th century texts, in 18th and 19th century poetry and in dialects.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > cě̄nà

  • 11 cě̄và

    cě̄và Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool'
    Page in Trubačev: III 190-191
    Russian:
    cévka `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā];
    kévka (Arx., Psk.) `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā] \{1\}
    Czech:
    céva `vein' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    cěva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cieva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cievka `small tube' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    cieva `tube, vein' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    cywa `spool, reed' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    Čak. cȋva (Vrgada) `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    cẹ̑vka `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koi-u-aʔ; ḱoi-u-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    šaivà `spool' [f ā] 4;
    šeivà `spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' [f ā] 2/4
    Latvian:
    saĩva `bobbin' [f ā];
    saĩve `bobbin' [f ē] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: koi-u-
    Page in Pokorny: 919-920
    Comments: Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *ḱ-, while Slavic hapoints to *k, while *c- < *k- as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root variants with an s mobile.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. aṣṭhīvá(nt)- `shin'
    \{3\};
    Est. kääv `spool';
    OHG scina `shin' [f];
    OE scīa `shin'
    Notes:
    \{1\} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143. \{2\} Much better attested are sàiva2, saîva2, sàive2 and saîve2. \{3\} This may be a compound containing ast- and cīu̯a- (see Lubotsky 2002).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > cě̄và

  • 12 jьměti

    jьměti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c \{1\} Proto-Slavic meaning: `have'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 226-227
    Old Church Slavic:
    iměti `have' [verb], imamь [1sg] \{2\}
    Russian:
    imét' `have (of abstract possession)' [verb], iméju [1sg]
    Ukrainian:
    imíty (dial.) `have' [verb];
    míty (dial.) `have' [verb]
    Czech:
    míti `have' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    jmieti `have' [verb]
    Polish:
    mieć `have' [verb];
    imieć (arch.) `have' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    imieć `have' [verb];
    jemieć `have' [verb];
    jmieć `have' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mjìe̯c `have' [verb], mȯ́u̯m [1sg]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měć `have' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    měś `have' [verb]
    Polabian:
    met `have' [verb], mo [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    imjeti `have' [verb];
    Čak. imȅt (Orbanići) `have' [verb], ȉman [1sg]
    Slovene:
    imẹ́ti `have' [verb], imȃm [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    ímam `have' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁m-
    Page in Pokorny: 310
    Other cognates:
    Lat. emere `take (in compounds), buy' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The present jьmamь had mobile stress, cf. SCr. ȉmām, imámo (Dubr.) \{2\} Rarely imějǫ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьměti

  • 13 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 14 ovьcà

    ovьcà Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `sheep'
    Old Church Slavic:
    ovьca `sheep' [f jā]
    Russian:
    ovcá `sheep' [f jā], ovcú [Accs] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ovce `sheep' [f jā]
    Slovak:
    ovca `sheep' [f jā]
    Polish:
    owca `sheep' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    óvca `sheep' [f jā], óvcu [Accs], ȏvce [Nom p];
    Čak. ȏvca (Vrgada) `sheep' [f jā], ȏvcu [Accs];
    Čak. ofcȁ (Novi) `sheep' [f jā], ȍfcu [Accs]
    Slovene:
    óvca `sheep' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    ovcá `sheep' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    avìs `sheep' [f i] 4
    Latvian:
    avs `sheep' [f i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃eu-i-keh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 784
    Comments: Derivative in *- keh₂ of PIE * h₃eu-i-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ávi- `sheep, ram' [m/f];
    Gk. ὄϊς `sheep' [m/f] [1;
    Lat. ovis `sheep' [f];
    Toch. B. awi [Nompf] `female sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Old Russian we find indications for AP's (b) en (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). According to Illič-Svityč (1963:    85), ovcá has mobile accentuation in 18th and 19th poetry as well as in dialects.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ovьcà

  • 15 sìto

    sìto Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `sieve'
    Russian:
    síto `sieve' [n o]
    Czech:
    síto `sieve' [n o]
    Slovak:
    sito `sieve' [n o]
    Polish:
    sito `sieve' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȉto `sieve' [n o];
    Čak. sȉto (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `sieve' [n o]
    Slovene:
    sítọ `sieve' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    síto `sieve' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: séʔito
    Lithuanian:
    síetas `sieve' [m o]
    Latvian:
    siêts `sieve' [m o] \{1\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: seh₁i-to-
    Notes:
    \{1\} Barytone neuter o-stems with an acute root became mobile in Latvian.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sìto

  • 16 želàti

    želě̀ti II; želàti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a \{1\} Proto-Slavic meaning: `wish, want'
    Old Church Slavic:
    želěti `wish, want' [verb], želějǫ [1sg];
    želati `wish, want' [verb], želajǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    želát' `wish, want' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    žèljeti `wish, want, desire' [verb], žèlīm [1sg];
    Čak. želȉti (Vrgada) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želĩš [2sg];
    Čak. želȉt (Hvar) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želín [1sg];
    Čak. želȅt (Orbanići) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    želẹ́ti `wish, want' [verb], želím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    želája `wish, want' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʷʰel-
    Page in Pokorny: 489
    Other cognates:
    Gk. θέλω `wish, want' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Serbo-Croatian and Slovene i-present is mobile.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > želàti

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