-
21 škatla
box, case, packet -
22 torba
bag, case -
23 zadeva
affair, case, concern, matter, thing -
24 avě
avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'Page in Trubačev: I 93-94Old Church Slavic:javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:áve `in reality' [adv];jáve `in reality' [adv]Macedonian:Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēisIE meaning: apparentlyCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 78Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).Other cognates:Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv]; -
25 berstъ
berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'Page in Trubačev: I 199-200Russian:bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}Belorussian:bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]Ukrainian:bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]Czech:břest `elm' [m o]Slovak:Polish:brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]Slovene:brẹ́st `elm' [m o]Bulgarian:Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.). -
26 blьskъ
blьskъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Old Czech:Lower Sorbian:Bulgarian:blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]Lithuanian:blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ. -
27 bỳstrъ
bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'Page in Trubačev: III 153-154Old Church Slavic:Russian:býstryj `quick' [adj o]Czech:bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]Slovak:bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]Slovene:bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]Bulgarian:bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]Page in Pokorny: 146Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'. -
28 debelъ
debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202Church Slavic:Russian:debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:dèbeo `fat' [adj o];Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]Slovene:débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]Bulgarian:debél `fat, strong' [adj o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-Latvian:depsis `small, fat boy'Old Prussian:Certainty: -Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.Other cognates: -
29 dě̀verь
dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'Page in Trubačev: V 19Russian:déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}Old Czech:deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]Slovene:dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]Bulgarian:déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-Lithuanian:díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3aLatvian:diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-IE meaning: husband's brotherCertainty: +Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.Other cognates:Skt. devár- `husband's brother';Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'Notes:\{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138). -
30 diriti
diriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `look for'Page in Trubačev: V 31Bulgarian:dírja `look for, seek, strive for' [verb]Lithuanian:dyrė́ti (coll.) `look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding' [verb]Comments: According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with -> *dьrati `tear'. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: ??), is not unattractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or * deih₂-r-, cf. Skt. dayi `shine, radiate'.Other cognates: -
31 dȍma
dȍma Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `at home'Page in Trubačev: V 66Old Church Slavic:Russian:dóma `at home' [adv]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dȍma `at home, home' [adv];Čak. dȍma (Vrgada, Orbanići) `at home, home' [adv]Slovene:domȃ `at home' [adv]Indo-European reconstruction: dom-ōuPage in Pokorny: 198 -
32 drozdъ
drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'Page in Trubačev: V 126-127Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:drȏzd `thrush' [m o];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]Slovene:drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdósLithuanian:Latvian:Old Prussian:tresde `thrush'Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).Other cognates:OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'Notes: -
33 ȅzero
ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34Old Church Slavic:Russian:ózero `lake' [n o]Czech:Slovak:jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:jězer `lake' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];jȅzēr `lake' [m o]Slovene:ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];ję̑zer `lake' [m o];Bulgarian:ézero `lake' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźeroLithuanian:ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3bLatvian:ęzęrs `lake' [m o];ęzars `lake' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-IE meaning: lakeCertainty: -Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.Other cognates: -
34 ȅzerъ
ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34Old Church Slavic:Russian:ózero `lake' [n o]Czech:Slovak:jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:jězer `lake' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];jȅzēr `lake' [m o]Slovene:ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];ję̑zer `lake' [m o];Bulgarian:ézero `lake' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźeroLithuanian:ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3bLatvian:ęzęrs `lake' [m o];ęzars `lake' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-IE meaning: lakeCertainty: -Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.Other cognates: -
35 esètrъ
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
36 esètra
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
37 gỳnǫti
gỳnǫti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `perish'Page in Trubačev: VII 218-219Old Church Slavic:gybnǫti `perish' [verb], gybnǫ [1sg]Russian:gíbnut' `perish' [verb], gíbnų [1sg], gíbnet [3sg]Czech:Slovak:hynút `perish, decay' [verb]Polish:ginąć `perish' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:gȉnuti `perish' [verb]Slovene:gíniti `perish' [verb], gȋnem [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: gʰubʰ-Notes:The acute root is secondary, as is often the case in verbs in -nǫti. -
38 jūxà
jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'Page in Trubačev: VIII 193Church Slavic:Russian:uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}Czech:jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]Slovene:júha `soup' [f ā]Lithuanian:jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1Old Prussian:Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.Other cognates:Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];Notes:\{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba. -
39 jьgъlà
jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:Russian:iglá `needle' [f ā]Ukrainian:hólka `needle' [f ā];ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:Polabian:jḁglă `needle' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]Slovene:ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]Bulgarian:iglá `needle' [f ā]Old Prussian:Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.Notes:\{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'. -
40 kādìti
kādìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `burn incense'Page in Trubačev: IX 109-110Old Church Slavic:Russian:kadít' `burn incense' [verb], kažú [1sg], kadít [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:kadzić `burn incense' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:káditi `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kȃdīm [1sg];Čak. kå̄dȉti (Vrgada) `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kå̃dīš [2sg];Čak. kōdȉt (Hvar) `smoke, burn incense' [verb], kódin [1sg];Čak. kādȉt (Orbanići) `incense' [verb]Slovene:kadíti `smoke, cover with dust' [verb], kadím [1sg]Bulgarian:kadjá `burn incense, smoke' [verb]Comments: The accentuation of the Serbo-Croatian forms points to AP (b), but the evidence of the other languages rather points to (c). Due to the absence of reliable cognates, the reconstruction of the root presents difficulties (-> * čadъ). In the case of *kādìti, we may be dealing with a lengthened grade *ō.
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