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1 ȏstь
ȏstь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c (b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `sharp point, smth. with a sharp point'Russian:Slovak:Polish:ość `fishbone, awn, thorn' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:ȍsti `harpoon' [Nompf i];ȍstve `harpoon' [Nompf ū];Čak. ȍsti (Vrgada) `harpoon' [Nompm i]Slovene:ǫ̑st `sharp point, fishbone, (pl.) harpoon' [f i], ostȋ [Gens]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: aśtis (akstis??)Lithuanian:akstìs `spit, thorn, prick' [f i] 4 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h2eḱ-t-i-Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: On the basis of Sln. ǫ̑st, Illič-Svityč posits an original AP (b) for this etymon. Furthermore, Skardžius (1941: 330) has akstìs, - ies, which "mixed paradigm" Illič-Svityč (1963:57) also regards as evidence for an original barytone accentuation.Notes:\{1\} The form akštìs is also attested. -
2 bě̑sъ
bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'Page in Trubačev: II 88-91Old Church Slavic:běsъ `demon' [m o]Russian:Czech:běs `demon' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bȉjes `demon' [m o];Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]Slovene:bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsósLithuanian:baisùs `terrible' [adj u]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-Page in Pokorny: 161Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.Other cognates: -
3 matorъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
4 materъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
5 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
6 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
7 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
8 bȏrvъ
bȏrvъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: cPage in Trubačev: II 214-215Church Slavic:Russian:bórov `hog, castrated boar, (dial.) boar, castrated bull' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:brȃv `sheep (pl.), (dial.) hog, castrated boar' [m o];Čak. brå̑v (Vrgada) `ram' [m o]Slovene:brȃv `sheep (pl.), pig, animal' [m o];brȃv `sheep (pl.)' [f i]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰor-u-o-Comments: It is unclear whether this root may be identified with the root *bʰrH- of *borti and *bъrtь, as is advocated by Pokorny (133-135).Other cognates:OIc. bǫrgr `hog, castrated boar';Notes:\{1\} The Germanic cognates point to *bʰor-u-ko-. -
9 borzdà
borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'Page in Trubačev: II 220Old Church Slavic:Russian:borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]Czech:brázda `furrow' [f ā]Slovak:brázda `furrow' [f ā]Polish:Slovincian:bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]Upper Sorbian:brózda `furrow' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}Slovene:brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]Bulgarian:brazdá `furrow' [f ā];brezdá `furrow' [f ā]Macedonian:brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]Lithuanian:bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}Latvian:bìrze `furrow' [f ē]Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.Other cognates:Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-Notes: -
10 česnъ
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
11 česno
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
12 česnъkъ
česnъ; česno; česnъkъ Grammatical information: m. o; n. o; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `garlic'Page in Trubačev: IV 89-90Russian:česnók `garlic' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèsan `garlic' [m o];čèsno `garlic' [n o];Čak. čèsan (Orbanići) `garlic' [m o], česnȁ [Gens]Slovene:čésǝn `garlic' [m o], čésna [Gens];čésnǝk `garlic (dim.)' [m o], čésǝnka [Gens], čésnǝka [Gens]Bulgarian:čésăn `garlic' [m o]Certainty: -Comments: As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin.Other cognates: -
13 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
14 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.
См. также в других словарях:
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