Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

this+implies

  • 1 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 2 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 3 jùgъ

    jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193
    Old Church Slavic:
    jugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Russian:
    jug `South, south wind' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Czech:
    jih `South' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    juh `south wind' [m o]
    Slovak:
    juh `South' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȕg `south wind' [m o];
    jȕgo `south wind' [n o];
    Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]
    Slovene:
    jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jug `South' [m o]
    Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative.

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  • 4 bělъ

    bě́lъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `white'
    Page in Trubačev: II 79-81
    Old Church Slavic:
    bělъ `white' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bélyj `white' [adj o];
    bel `white' [adj o], belá [Nomsf], bélo [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Czech:
    bílý `white' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    biely `white' [adj o]
    Polish:
    biaɫy `white' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bjáu̯lï `white' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉjel, bȉo `white' [adj o], bijȅla [Nomsf], bijèlo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bĩ(l) (Vrgada) `white' [adj o], bīlȁ [Nomsf], bīlȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. biȇl (Orbanići) `white' [adj o], bielȁ [Nomsf], biȇlȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́ɫ `white' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bjal `white' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    bãlas `white' [adj o] 4;
    báltas `white' [adj o] 3
    Latvian:
    bā̀ls `pale' [adj o];
    bãls `pale' [adj o];
    bal̃ts `white' [adj o]
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: The fact that this etymon belongs to AP (b), which implies an non-acute root, does not pose any problems if one assumes that the regular reflex of a lengthened grade vowel was circumflex. We may reconstruct * bʰēlH-o-, with regular loss of the root-final laryngeal.
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bělъ

  • 5 kl̨ùka

    kl̨ùka Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hook'
    Page in Trubačev: X 55-56
    Russian:
    kljuká `walking-stick' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    kljuka `deceit, walking-stick, poker' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    kljúka `pole with a hook, hook' [f ā]
    Czech:
    klika `door-handle' [f ā];
    klíka (Jungmann) `bend, hook' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    kl'uka `joint, knob' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    kluka `hook' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    klȧ̃ka `yoke' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kljȕka `hook, door-knob' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    kljúka `hook, knee-pad, handle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    kliū́ti `brush against, be caught in, obstruct' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kleh₂u
    Comments: This reconstruction implies that the *e of *kleʔu is secondary.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. clāvis `key' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kl̨ùka

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