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121 get through
1. intransitive verb2) (be transmitted) durchkommen (ugs.); durchdringen (to bis zu od. nach)3) (win heat or round) gewinnenget through to the finals — in die Endrunde kommen
4)get through [to somebody] — (make somebody understand) sich [jemandem] verständlich machen
5) (pass) bestehen; durchkommen (ugs.)6) (be approved) angenommen werden; durchkommen (ugs.)2. [stress varies] transitive verb1) (pass through) [durch]kommen durch2) (help to make contact)3) (bring) [durch]bringen; übermitteln [Nachricht] (to Dat.)4) (communicate)5) (pass) durchkommen bei (ugs.), bestehen [Prüfung]6) (consume, use up) verbrauchen; verqualmen (ugs. abwertend) [Zigaretten]; aufessen [Essen]; (spend) durchbringen [Geld, Vermögen]7) (survive) durchstehen; überstehen; kommen durch8) fertig werden mit, erledigen [Arbeit]; durchkriegen [Buch]* * *2) (to pass (an examination).) durchkommen3) (to arrive, usually with some difficulty: The food got through to the fort despite the enemy's attempts to stop it.) durchkommen4) (to make oneself understood: I just can't get through to her any more.) durchkommen* * *I. vi▪ to \get through through to sb zu jdm durchdringen▪ to \get through through to sb that/how... jdm klarmachen, dass/wie...2. (phone)▪ to \get through through to sb zu jdm durchkommenI got through to the wrong department ich bin mit der falschen Abteilung verbunden worden3. (use up)▪ to \get through through sth etw aufbrauchen4. (finish)▪ to \get through through sth etw erledigenI can \get through through a lot more work when I'm on my own wenn ich alleine bin, schaffe ich mehr Arbeit5. (survive)▪ to \get through through sth etw überstehen6. (pass)to \get through through a test/an exam einen Test/eine Prüfung bestehenshe easily got through her exams sie bewältigte ihre Prüfungen mit LeichtigkeitII. vt1. (convey)▪ to \get through sth through to sb jdm etw überbringen▪ to \get through it through to sb that... jdm klarmachen, dass...to \get through sb through a test jdn durch einen Test bringen* * *A v/t1. durchbringen, -bekommen (beide auch fig)B v/i1. durchkommen:a) das Ziel erreichenb) (ein Examen) bestehenc) durchgehen (Gesetzesvorlage)d) TEL Anschluss bekommene) (den Winter) überstehen2. fertig werden ( with mit)3. etwas erledigen4. klar werden ( to sb jemandem)5. sein Geld durchbringen* * *1. intransitive verb2) (be transmitted) durchkommen (ugs.); durchdringen (to bis zu od. nach)3) (win heat or round) gewinnen4)get through [to somebody] — (make somebody understand) sich [jemandem] verständlich machen
5) (pass) bestehen; durchkommen (ugs.)6) (be approved) angenommen werden; durchkommen (ugs.)2. [stress varies] transitive verb1) (pass through) [durch]kommen durch3) (bring) [durch]bringen; übermitteln [Nachricht] (to Dat.)5) (pass) durchkommen bei (ugs.), bestehen [Prüfung]6) (consume, use up) verbrauchen; verqualmen (ugs. abwertend) [Zigaretten]; aufessen [Essen]; (spend) durchbringen [Geld, Vermögen]7) (survive) durchstehen; überstehen; kommen durch8) fertig werden mit, erledigen [Arbeit]; durchkriegen [Buch]* * *v.dringen v.(§ p.,pp.: drang, ist/hat gedrungen)eine Telefonverbindung bekommen ausdr.mit Mühe absolvieren ausdr. -
122 следовать
(= вытекать из) follow, succeed•..., что и следовало ожидать. -..., which was to be expected.• Безусловно, это следует сделать точно, однако, в основном, это означает, что... - This has to be made precise of course, but essentially it means that...• В заключение следует доказательство (i). - Finally, (i) is proved as follows.• В общем случае следует ожидать, что... - In general it should be anticipated that...• В основном мы следуем процедуре... - In essence we follow the procedure of...• В результате следует заключить, что... - Consequently, one must conclude that...• В то же самое время следует помнить, что... - At the same time it must be remembered that...• Вторым моментом, который следует помнить, является... - A second point to notice is that...• Данная теорема следует непосредственно из... - This theorem is a direct corollary of...• Данное утверждение немедленно следует из... - The statement follows at once from...• Данный результат последует немедленно, если мы сможем показать, что... - The result will follow immediately if we can show that...• Доказательство следует почти немедленно из определения... - The proof is almost immediate from the definition of...• Если это тот самый случай, то отсюда следует... - This being the case, it follows that...• Здесь мы будем следовать исторической хронологии развития. - The historical order of development will be followed here.• Из данного обсуждения не следует делать вывод, что... - It should not be inferred from this discussion that...• Из последнего условия следует, что... - Prom the latter condition it follows that...• Из предыдущего результата немедленно следует тот факт, что... - An immediate corollary of the above result is the fact that...• Из предыдущих результатов следует, что... - It follows from the foregoing results that...• Из простых геометрических соображений следует, что... - It follows from simple geometrical considerations that...• Из симметрии в данном случае очевидно следует, что... - In this case it is obvious from symmetry that...; Prom symmetry it is obvious that...• Из этого следует... - This implies...; It follows that...• Из этого уравнения очевидным образом следует, что... - It is evident from this equation that...• Как следует из теоремы 1... - It follows from Theorem 1 that...• Наиболее просто следовать этому методу в случае... - The procedure is most simply followed for the case of...• Наконец, следует не забывать, что... - Finally, one must not forget that...• Наше доказательство близко следует рассуждениям статьи Иванова [2]. - Our proof of Theorem 2 follows the arguments in Ivanov [2] closely.• Не следует забывать, что... - It should be remembered that...• Не следует заключать, что... - It is not to be inferred that...• Немедленным следствием теоремы 1 является следующее. - An immediate consequence of Theorem 1 is the following.• Однако (отсюда) не следует, что... - It does not follow, however, that...• Однако на данном этапе следует отметить, что... - The point to notice at this stage, however, is that...• Однако следует не забывать, что... (= Однако не следует забывать, что... ) - It should not be forgotten, however, that...• Однако следует сказать, что... - However, it should be said that...; It has to be said, however, that...• Однако следует также заметить, что... - It should also be noted, however, that...• Отсюда будет следовать, что... - This will yield...• Отсюда немедленно следует, что... - It follows immediately that...• Отсюда не обязательно следует, что... - It does not necessarily follow that...• Отсюда следует возрастание... - This involves an increase in...• Отсюда следует уравнение, связывающее эти две плотности... - Hence follows an equation relating the two densities: (...).• Отсюда также следует, что... - It also follows that...• Очевидно, что этот ответ обязан следовать из того факта, что... - The answer must obviously be sought in the fact that...• Проделывая это, следует помнить, что... - In doing so, it is well to bear in mind that...• С другой стороны, возможно не следует... - On the other hand, it may not be necessary to...• Следует (= стоит) отметить... - It is worthwhile to say that...; It should be noted that...• Следует быть осторожным при использовании этой формулы. - One must be careful in using this formula.• Следует вспомнить... - It will be recalled...• Следует обратить внимание на... - It is noteworthy...• Следует ожидать, что... - It is to be expected that...• Следует отметить, что... -It is worth noticing that...• Следует понимать, что... - It is to be understood that...• Следует проводить различие между... - A distinction needs to be drawn between...• Следует рассмотреть... - Consideration should be given to...• Следует сделать еще одно замечание. - One further comment is in order; One further comment should be made.• Следует уделить внимание методам... - Attention should be given to methods of...• Следует уделить внимание тому факту, что... - Attention should be paid to the fact that...• Следует уделять должное внимание... - Due attention should be given to...• Следует указать... - It should be pointed out...• Следует, однако, отметить, что... - It is fair to remark, however, that...• Так как величина х произвольна, отсюда следует, что... - Since х is arbitrary, it follows that...• Теперь из формы функции g(х) очевидно следует, что... - Now it is obvious from the form of the function g(x) that...• То, что данное решение является единственным, следует из... - That this solution is unique follows from...• То, что это справедливо, следует немедленно из... - That this is true follows at once from...• Тождество (З) легко следует из соотношений (4) и (5). - The identity (3) follows easily from (4), (5).• Это следует из предположения относительно существования... - This is a consequence of assuming the existence of...• Это следует из рассуждения, которое мы... - It is for this reason that we have...• Это следует предотвратить (чем-л). - This must be prevented by...• Это совершенно очевидно следует из факта, что... - This is at once obvious from the fact that... -
123 Historical Portugal
Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims inPortugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and theChurch (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict untilUN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU. -
124 Artificial Intelligence
In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, EventuallyJust as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)5) Problems in Machine Intelligence Arise Because Things Obvious to Any Person Are Not Represented in the ProgramMany problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)[AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract FormThe basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory FormationIt is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular ContextsEven if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial IntelligenceThe primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary PropositionsIn artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence
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125 make
meik
1. past tense, past participle - made; verb1) (to create, form or produce: God made the Earth; She makes all her own clothes; He made it out of paper; to make a muddle/mess of the job; to make lunch/coffee; We made an arrangement/agreement/deal/bargain.) hacer, construir, fabricar2) (to compel, force or cause (a person or thing to do something): They made her do it; He made me laugh.) hacer, obligar3) (to cause to be: I made it clear; You've made me very unhappy.) hacer, poner, volver4) (to gain or earn: He makes $100 a week; to make a profit.) ganar, hacer5) ((of numbers etc) to add up to; to amount to: 2 and 2 make(s) 4.) ser, equivaler6) (to become, turn into, or be: He'll make an excellent teacher.) ser, hacer7) (to estimate as: I make the total 483.) calcular8) (to appoint, or choose, as: He was made manager.) nombrar, elegir9) (used with many nouns to give a similar meaning to that of the verb from which the noun is formed: He made several attempts (= attempted several times); They made a left turn (= turned left); He made (= offered) a suggestion/proposal; Have you any comments to make?) hacer
2. noun(a (usually manufacturer's) brand: What make is your new car?) marca- maker- making
- make-believe
- make-over
- makeshift
- make-up
- have the makings of
- in the making
- make a/one's bed
- make believe
- make do
- make for
- make it
- make it up
- make something of something
- make of something
- make something of
- make of
- make out
- make over
- make up
- make up for
- make up one's mind
- make up to
make1 n marcawhat make is your watch? ¿de qué marca es tu reloj? / ¿cuál es la marca de tu reloj?make2 vb1. hacerhave you made your bed? ¿te has hecho la cama?2. fabricar / producir3. sertr[meɪk]1 (brand) marca■ what make of car did you buy? ¿de qué marca es el coche que compraste?1 (produce - gen) hacer; (construct) construir; (manufacture) fabricar; (create) crear; (prepare) preparar■ have you made a list? ¿has hecho una lista?■ she made some sandwiches hizo unos bocadillos, preparó unos bocadillos■ stop making all that noise! ¡dejad de hacer tanto ruido!■ these cakes have been made using the finest ingredients estos pastelitos han sido elaborados con ingredientes de primera calidad2 (carry out, perform) hacer■ may I make a suggestion? ¿puedo hacer una sugerencia?■ we've made arrangements for you to be met at the airport hemos dispuesto que alguien vaya a buscarte al aeropuerto3 (cause to be) hacer, poner, volver4 (force, compel) hacer, obligar; (cause to do) hacer■ what makes you say that? ¿por qué dices eso?5 (be, become) ser, hacer; (cause to be) hacer, convertir en■ she'll make a good singer será buena cantante, tiene madera de cantante6 (earn) ganar, hacer■ she made 1,000 pounds last week ganó 1.000 libras la semana pasada7 (achieve) conseguir, alcanzar; (arrive at, reach) alcanzar, llegar a; (manage to attend) poder (ir)■ we made it! ¡lo conseguimos!9 (calculate, estimate, reckon) calcular■ how much do you make it? ¿a ti cuánto te da?■ what time do you make it? ¿qué hora tienes?10 (total, equal) ser, equivaler a■ that makes the third time you've asked me! ¡es la tercera vez que me lo preguntas!11 (complete, finish off) dar el toque final a, completar; (assure success of) consagrar1 (to be about to) hacer como, hacer ademán de, simular\SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALLto be on the make (for profit) andar tras el dinero, andar intentando sacar tajada 2 (for power) barrer para dentro, barrer para casa 3 (for sex) estar de ligue, andar buscando aventurasto make a fresh start volver a empezarto make a go of something sacar algo adelanteto make a loss perder dineroto make a name for oneself hacerse un nombreto make a note of something apuntar algoto make a profit ganar dineroto make a will hacer su testamentoto make believe hacer ver, imaginarse■ the children made believe they were on a desert island los niños hacían ver que estaban en una isla desiertato make do (with something) arreglárselas (con algo)to make friends hacer amigosto make fun of burlarse deto make it a rule to do something tener como norma hacer algoto make good triunfarto make something good (pay for, replace) pagar 2 (carry out, fulfil) cumplir con 3 (repair) arreglarto make it (be successful) tener éxito, llegar hasta arribato make like hacer ver, fingirto make nothing of something (achieve easily) hacer algo sin ningún problema 2 (treat as trifling) quitar importancia a algoto make or break somebody/something significar la consagración o la ruina de alguien/algoto make sense tener sentidoto make somebody's day alegrarle el día a alguiento make something clear aclarar algo, dejar algo claroto make something known dar a conocer algoto make sure (of something) asegurarse (de algo)to make the best/most of something sacar partido de algoto make the bed hacer la cama1) create: hacerto make noise: hacer ruido2) fashion, manufacture: hacer, fabricarshe made a dress: hizo un vestido3) devise, form: desarrollar, elaborar, formar4) constitute: hacer, constituirmade of stone: hecho de piedra5) prepare: hacer, preparar6) render: hacer, ponerit makes him nervous: lo pone nerviosoto make someone happy: hacer feliz a alguienit made me sad: me dio pena7) perform: hacerto make a gesture: hacer un gesto8) compel: hacer, forzar, obligar9) earn: ganarto make a living: ganarse la vidamake vi1) head: ir, dirigirsewe made for home: nos fuimos a casa2)to make do : arreglárselas3)to make good repay: pagar4)to make good succeed: tener éxitomake nbrand: marca fn.• fabricación s.f.• hechura s.f.• marca s.f.• modelo s.m.expr.• hacer resaltar expr.expr.• hacer resaltar expr.v.(§ p.,p.p.: made) = confeccionar v.• constituir v.• crear v.• fabricar v.• formar v.• hacer v.(§pres: hago, haces...) pret: hic-pp: hechofut/c: har-•)
I
1. meɪk1) (past & past p made) transitive verb2) (create, produce) \<\<paint/cars\>\> hacer*, fabricar*; \<\<dress\>\> hacer*, confeccionar (frml); \<\<meal/cake/sandwich/coffee\>\> hacer*, preparar; \<\<film\>\> hacer*, rodar; \<\<record\>\> grabar; \<\<fire/nest/hole\>\> hacer*; \<\<list/will\>\> hacer*to make a noise — hacer* ruido
made in Spain/Mexico — hecho or fabricado en España/México
made in Argentina/Peru — industria or fabricación argentina/peruana
to make something into something: I'll make this material into a skirt con esta tela me haré una falda; to make something out of/from/of something: she made the dress out of an old sheet se hizo el vestido con/de una sábana vieja; we made another meal from the leftovers hicimos otra comida con las sobras; it's made of wood/plastic es de madera/plástico; don't make an enemy of her — no te la eches encima como enemiga; see also difference 1) b), fuss I, mess I 1), 2)
3)a) ( carry out) \<\<repairs/changes/payment\>\> hacer*, efectuar* (frml); \<\<preparations/arrangements\>\> hacer*; \<\<journey\>\> hacer*make a left (turn) here — (AmE) dobla or gira a la izquierda aquí
b) \<\<remark/announcement\>\> hacer*4) ( cause to be)I'll make you happy/rich — te haré feliz/rica
that made me sad — eso me entristeció or me apenó
the work made me thirsty/sleepy — el trabajo me dio sed/sueño
what makes me angry is... — lo que me da rabia es...
they've made him supervisor — lo han nombrado supervisor, lo han ascendido a supervisor
if nine o'clock is too early, make it later — si las nueve es muy temprano, podemos reunirnos (or encontrarnos etc) más tarde
two large pizzas..., no, make that three — dos pizzas grandes..., no, mire, mejor déme tres
5)a) ( cause to) hacer*whatever made you do it? — ¿por qué lo hiciste?, ¿qué te llevó a hacer eso?
b) ( compel) obligar* a, hacer*she was made to apologize — la obligaron a or la hicieron pedir perdón
c) (in phrases)to make believe: you can't just make believe it never happened no puedes pretender que no sucedió, no puedes hacer como si no hubiera sucedido; to make do (with something), to make something do — arreglárselas con algo
6)a) (constitute, be) ser*b) (equal, amount to) ser*five plus five makes ten — cinco y or más cinco son diez
7) ( calculate)what do you make the total? — ¿(a ti) cuánto te da?
what time do you make it, what do you make the time? — ¿qué hora tienes?
8) ( make fuss)I think you're making too much of what she said — creo que le estás dándo demasiada importancia a lo que dijo
9)a) ( understand)to make something of something: I could make nothing of the message no entendí el mensaje; make of that what you will — tú saca tus propias conclusiones
b) ( think)to make something of somebody/something: what did you make of him? ¿qué te pareció?; I don't know what to make of it — no sé qué pensar
10)a) (gain, earn) \<\<money\>\> hacer*they made a loss/profit — perdieron/ganaron dinero
they made a profit of $20,000 — ganaron or sacaron 20.000 dólares
how much did you make on the deal? — ¿cuánto sacaste or ganaste con el trato?
b) ( acquire) \<\<friends\>\> hacer*I made a few acquaintances there — conocí a or (frml) trabé conocimiento con algunas personas allí
to make a name for oneself — hacerse* un nombre
11) (colloq) (manage to attend, reach)to make it: he'll never make it as a doctor nunca será un buen médico; they made it through to the finals — llegaron a la final
12) ( assure success of)if you go to Harvard, you're made for life — si vas a Harvard, tienes el futuro asegurado
to make or break something/somebody — ser* el éxito o la ruina de algo/alguien
2.
vi1) ( make preliminary move)to make as if o as though to + inf — hacer* ademán de + inf
2) (move, proceed)they made toward the door — se dirigieron hacia la puerta; see also make for
•Phrasal Verbs:- make for- make off- make out- make up
II
1) ( brand) marca fwhat make is it? — ¿de qué marca es?
2)[meɪk] (pt, pp made) When make is part of a set combination, eg make an attempt, make a bow, make a case, make sure, look up the other word.to be on the make — (colloq) ( out for gain) estar* intentando sacar tajada (fam); ( looking for a date) estar* de ligue or (AmS) de levante or (Chi) de pinche (fam)
1. TRANSITIVE VERB1) (=create, prepare) [+ fire, bed, tea, will, remark, plan, suggestion] hacer; [+ dress] hacer, confeccionar; [+ shelter] construir; [+ meal] hacer, preparar; [+ record] grabar; [+ film] rodar; (=manufacture) [+ tool, machine] fabricar, hacer"made in Spain" — [+ tool, machine] "fabricado en España"; [+ dress] "confeccionado en España"; [+ nougat, chocolate] "elaborado en España"
•
they were made for each other — estaban hechos el uno para el otroshow 2., 4)•
it's made of gold — es de oro, está hecho de oro2) (=carry out) [+ journey, effort] hacer; [+ speech] pronunciar; [+ payment] efectuar; [+ error] cometer3) (=earn) ganarhow much do you make? — ¿cuánto ganas?
he makes £350 a week — gana 350 libras a la semana
the deal made him £500 — ganó 500 libras con el negocio, el negocio le reportó 500 libras
4) (=reach, achieve) [+ place] llegar awill we make Paris before lunch? — ¿llegaremos a París antes de la hora de comer?
Lara made a hundred — (Cricket) Lara hizo or se anotó 100 carreras
•
we made it just in time — llegamos justo a tiempocan you make it by 10? — ¿puedes llegar a las 10?
sorry, I can't make it — lo siento, no puedo or no me va bien
do you think he'll make (it to) university? — ¿crees que conseguirá ir a la universidad?
to make it with sb * — (sexually) hacérselo con algn *
•
to make land — (Naut) llegar a tierra•
to make port — (Naut) tomar puerto5) (=say, agree)another beer, please, no, make that two — otra cerveza por favor, no, que sean dos
6) (=cause to succeed)to make or break sth/sb —
sex can make or break a relationship — el sexo es determinante en una relación, el sexo puede afianzar una relación o hacer que fracase
7) (=constitute)he'll make somebody a good husband — va a ser or hará un buen marido para algn
it'll make a (nice) change not to have to cook every day — lo de no tener que cocinar cada día estará muy bien, ¡qué descanso, no tener que cocinar cada día!
•
he'll make a good footballer — será buen futbolista8) (=equal)this one makes 20 — con este son or hacen 20
how much does that make (altogether)? — ¿a cuánto sube (en total)?
8 pints make a gallon — 8 pintas hacen or son un galón
9) (=calculate) calcularwhat do you make the total? — ¿cuánto calculas que es el total?
how many do you make it? — ¿cuántos calculas que hay?
what time do you make it, what do you make the time? — ¿qué hora tienes?
10) (Cards) [+ trick] ganar, hacer; (Bridge) [+ contract] cumplirto make sb sth (=cause to be) to make sb/sth ({+ adjective/past participle}28})to make o.s. heard — hacerse oír
the noise made concentration difficult or made it difficult to concentrate — con ese ruido era difícil concentrarse
ill 1., 1), sick 1., 2), unhappy to make sth/sb into sth convertir algo/a algn en algo to make sb do sth (=cause to do sth) hacer a algn hacer algo; (=force to do sth) hacer a algn hacer algo, obligar a algn a hacer algowhy make things difficult for yourself? — ¿por qué te complicas la vida?
to make sb laugh/cry — hacer reír/llorar a algn
now look what you've made me do! — ¡mira lo que me has hecho hacer!
what made you say that? — ¿cómo se te ocurrió decir eso?, ¿por qué dijiste eso?
what makes you do it? — ¿qué es lo que te lleva a hacerlo?
it makes you think, doesn't it? — da que pensar ¿no?
to make o.s. do sth obligarse a hacer algohe made me apologize to the teacher — me hizo pedir perdón or me obligó a pedir perdón al profesor
to make sth do, make [do] with sth arreglárselas or apañárselas con algo to make good [+ promise] cumplir; [+ accusation] hacer bueno, probar; [+ claim] justificar; [+ loss] compensar; [+ damage] reparar; (=pay) pagar make 2. to make sth of sth (=understand)I have to make myself (do it) — tengo que obligarme (a hacerlo), tengo que hacer un esfuerzo (por hacerlo)
what do you make of Anna? — ¿qué piensas de Anna?, ¿qué te parece Anna?
what do you make of this? — ¿qué te parece esto?
(=give importance to)I can't make anything of this letter — no entiendo nada de lo que pone esta carta, no saco nada en claro de esta carta
issue 1., 1)I think you're making rather too much of what I said — creo que le estás dando demasiada importancia a lo que dije
2.INTRANSITIVE VERB (in set expressions)•
to make after sb — perseguir a algn, correr tras algnhe made as if to strike me — hizo como si me fuera a pegar, hizo ademán de pegarme
3.NOUN (=brand) marca fwhat make of car was it? — ¿qué marca de coche era?
- be on the make- make for- make off- make out- make up* * *
I
1. [meɪk]1) (past & past p made) transitive verb2) (create, produce) \<\<paint/cars\>\> hacer*, fabricar*; \<\<dress\>\> hacer*, confeccionar (frml); \<\<meal/cake/sandwich/coffee\>\> hacer*, preparar; \<\<film\>\> hacer*, rodar; \<\<record\>\> grabar; \<\<fire/nest/hole\>\> hacer*; \<\<list/will\>\> hacer*to make a noise — hacer* ruido
made in Spain/Mexico — hecho or fabricado en España/México
made in Argentina/Peru — industria or fabricación argentina/peruana
to make something into something: I'll make this material into a skirt con esta tela me haré una falda; to make something out of/from/of something: she made the dress out of an old sheet se hizo el vestido con/de una sábana vieja; we made another meal from the leftovers hicimos otra comida con las sobras; it's made of wood/plastic es de madera/plástico; don't make an enemy of her — no te la eches encima como enemiga; see also difference 1) b), fuss I, mess I 1), 2)
3)a) ( carry out) \<\<repairs/changes/payment\>\> hacer*, efectuar* (frml); \<\<preparations/arrangements\>\> hacer*; \<\<journey\>\> hacer*make a left (turn) here — (AmE) dobla or gira a la izquierda aquí
b) \<\<remark/announcement\>\> hacer*4) ( cause to be)I'll make you happy/rich — te haré feliz/rica
that made me sad — eso me entristeció or me apenó
the work made me thirsty/sleepy — el trabajo me dio sed/sueño
what makes me angry is... — lo que me da rabia es...
they've made him supervisor — lo han nombrado supervisor, lo han ascendido a supervisor
if nine o'clock is too early, make it later — si las nueve es muy temprano, podemos reunirnos (or encontrarnos etc) más tarde
two large pizzas..., no, make that three — dos pizzas grandes..., no, mire, mejor déme tres
5)a) ( cause to) hacer*whatever made you do it? — ¿por qué lo hiciste?, ¿qué te llevó a hacer eso?
b) ( compel) obligar* a, hacer*she was made to apologize — la obligaron a or la hicieron pedir perdón
c) (in phrases)to make believe: you can't just make believe it never happened no puedes pretender que no sucedió, no puedes hacer como si no hubiera sucedido; to make do (with something), to make something do — arreglárselas con algo
6)a) (constitute, be) ser*b) (equal, amount to) ser*five plus five makes ten — cinco y or más cinco son diez
7) ( calculate)what do you make the total? — ¿(a ti) cuánto te da?
what time do you make it, what do you make the time? — ¿qué hora tienes?
8) ( make fuss)I think you're making too much of what she said — creo que le estás dándo demasiada importancia a lo que dijo
9)a) ( understand)to make something of something: I could make nothing of the message no entendí el mensaje; make of that what you will — tú saca tus propias conclusiones
b) ( think)to make something of somebody/something: what did you make of him? ¿qué te pareció?; I don't know what to make of it — no sé qué pensar
10)a) (gain, earn) \<\<money\>\> hacer*they made a loss/profit — perdieron/ganaron dinero
they made a profit of $20,000 — ganaron or sacaron 20.000 dólares
how much did you make on the deal? — ¿cuánto sacaste or ganaste con el trato?
b) ( acquire) \<\<friends\>\> hacer*I made a few acquaintances there — conocí a or (frml) trabé conocimiento con algunas personas allí
to make a name for oneself — hacerse* un nombre
11) (colloq) (manage to attend, reach)to make it: he'll never make it as a doctor nunca será un buen médico; they made it through to the finals — llegaron a la final
12) ( assure success of)if you go to Harvard, you're made for life — si vas a Harvard, tienes el futuro asegurado
to make or break something/somebody — ser* el éxito o la ruina de algo/alguien
2.
vi1) ( make preliminary move)to make as if o as though to + inf — hacer* ademán de + inf
2) (move, proceed)they made toward the door — se dirigieron hacia la puerta; see also make for
•Phrasal Verbs:- make for- make off- make out- make up
II
1) ( brand) marca fwhat make is it? — ¿de qué marca es?
2)to be on the make — (colloq) ( out for gain) estar* intentando sacar tajada (fam); ( looking for a date) estar* de ligue or (AmS) de levante or (Chi) de pinche (fam)
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126 pesar
m.1 grief (tristeza).2 remorse (arrepentimiento).3 sorrow, ruefulness, grief, woefulness.El pesar no se elimina tan fácilmente Sorrow is not eliminated so easily.4 regret, sorriness.v.1 to weigh.¿cuánto pesa? how much o what does it weigh?El asistente pesó la mercadería The assistant weighed the goods.Esta bolsa pesa mucho This bag weighs a lot.2 to weigh up.3 to be heavy (ser pesado).pesa mucho it's very heavy4 to play an important part.en su decisión pesaron muchas razones a number of reasons influenced her decision* * *1 to weigh■ ¿cuánto pesas? how much do you weigh?2 (tener mucho peso) to be heavy■ ¡cómo pesa esta maleta! this suitcase is really heavy!3 (sentir) to be sorry, regret4 (influir) to carry weight1 to weigh1 (pena) sorrow, grief2 (arrepentimiento) regret\a mi (nuestro etc) pesar to my (our etc) regreta pesar de despite, in spite ofa pesar de los pesares in spite of everythingmal que me (le etc) pese to my (his etc) great regretpese a que... despite the fact that..., although...* * *1. noun m.grief, sorrow2. verb1) to weigh2) be important3) grieve, cause regret* * *1. VI1) [objeto, persona]a) (=tener peso) to weigh; (Boxeo, Hípica) to weigh in at; (Inform) to be¿cuánto pesas? — how much o what do you weigh?
b) (=tener mucho peso) to be heavyese paquete no pesa — that parcel isn't heavy, that parcel hardly weighs anything
¿pesa mucho? — is it heavy?
¡cómo pesa esta bolsa! — this bag's really heavy!
¡no pesa nada! — it's not heavy at all!
2) (=resultar pesado)pesarle a algn: le pesaba la mochila — his rucksack was weighing him down
los pies me pesan, estoy muy cansado — I'm so tired, I can hardly lift my feet up any more
3) (=afligir)me pesa mucho — I am very sorry about it o to hear it
¡ya le pesará! — he'll be sorry!, he'll regret this!
me pesa haberlo hecho — I regret having done it, I'm sorry I did it
4) (=ser una carga)•
pesar sobre — [responsabilidad, preocupación] to weigh heavily on; [amenaza, acusación] to hang over5) (=influir) to carry weight6)•
pese a (que) — in spite of (the fact that), despite (the fact that)pese a las dificultades — in spite of o despite the difficulties
lo creo, pese a que ellos lo niegan — I believe it, even though they deny it, I believe it, in spite of o despite the fact that they deny it
mal 2.lo haré pese a quien pese — I'll do it whether people like it or not, I'll do it, no matter who I offend
2. VT1) [+ carta, fruta etc] to weigh2) (=sopesar) to weigh up3.See:4. SM1) (=aflicción) sorrowexpresó su pesar a la familia de las víctimas — he expressed his sorrow to the families of the victims
2) (=arrepentimiento) regretsentir o tener pesar por no haber... — to regret not having...
3)• a pesar de — in spite of, despite
a pesar de todo — in spite of o despite everything
a pesar del mal tiempo — in spite of o despite the bad weather
a pesar de que no tiene dinero — even though he has no money, in spite of o despite the fact that he has no money
* * *I1)a) (pena, tristeza) sorrowa pesar mío or muy a mi pesar — much to my regret
con pesar — sorrowfully, with a heavy heart
b) ( remordimiento) regret, remorse2)a pesar de su enfermedad/de estar enfermo — despite o in spite of being ill
a pesar de todo — in spite of o despite everything
a pesar de los pesares — (fam) in spite of everything
a pesar de que no sabía mucho inglés... — despite not knowing much English...
II 1.se lo llevó, a pesar de que yo se lo había prohibido — he took it, despite the fact that o even though I had forbidden him to
verbo intransitivo1)a) paquete/maleta to be heavycómo pesa! — it's terribly heavy!, it weighs a ton! (colloq)
b) ( ser una carga)pesar SOBRE alguien/algo: toda la responsabilidad pesa sobre él all the responsibility falls on his shoulders o on him; la hipoteca que pesa sobre la casa — the mortgage on the house
c) ( influir)ha pesado más su personalidad que su ideología — her personality has been more of a factor than her ideology
2) ( causar arrepentimiento) (+ me/te/le etc)ya te pesará no haber estudiado — you'll be sorry you didn't study, you'll regret not studying
3)pese a — despite, in spite of
pese a todo, creo que su trabajo es el mejor — despite o in spite of everything, I still think her work is the best
pese a quien (le) pese — no matter who I o you, etc have to upset, no matter whose toes I o you, etc have to tread on
2.mal que me/le pese — whether I like/he likes it or not
pesar vta) <niño/maleta> to weigh; < manzanas> to weigh (out)b) ( tener cierto peso) to weigh3.pesarse v pron (refl) to weigh oneself* * *I1)a) (pena, tristeza) sorrowa pesar mío or muy a mi pesar — much to my regret
con pesar — sorrowfully, with a heavy heart
b) ( remordimiento) regret, remorse2)a pesar de su enfermedad/de estar enfermo — despite o in spite of being ill
a pesar de todo — in spite of o despite everything
a pesar de los pesares — (fam) in spite of everything
a pesar de que no sabía mucho inglés... — despite not knowing much English...
II 1.se lo llevó, a pesar de que yo se lo había prohibido — he took it, despite the fact that o even though I had forbidden him to
verbo intransitivo1)a) paquete/maleta to be heavycómo pesa! — it's terribly heavy!, it weighs a ton! (colloq)
b) ( ser una carga)pesar SOBRE alguien/algo: toda la responsabilidad pesa sobre él all the responsibility falls on his shoulders o on him; la hipoteca que pesa sobre la casa — the mortgage on the house
c) ( influir)ha pesado más su personalidad que su ideología — her personality has been more of a factor than her ideology
2) ( causar arrepentimiento) (+ me/te/le etc)ya te pesará no haber estudiado — you'll be sorry you didn't study, you'll regret not studying
3)pese a — despite, in spite of
pese a todo, creo que su trabajo es el mejor — despite o in spite of everything, I still think her work is the best
pese a quien (le) pese — no matter who I o you, etc have to upset, no matter whose toes I o you, etc have to tread on
2.mal que me/le pese — whether I like/he likes it or not
pesar vta) <niño/maleta> to weigh; < manzanas> to weigh (out)b) ( tener cierto peso) to weigh3.pesarse v pron (refl) to weigh oneself* * *pesar11 = grief, regret, chagrin, heartache.Ex: This paper discusses the ways in which books may be used to help bereaved children to understand death and other aspects of grief.
Ex: Spalding's regret is quite understandable, for few of those seeking to identify particular editions in the catalog will fail to be confused by the results of this decision.Ex: Much to her nanny's surprise and chagrin, she was fully potty-trained by her first birthday.Ex: Lovelorn staff at a Japanese company can take paid time off after an upsetting break-up with a partner, with more ' heartache leave' offered as they get older.* a pesar de (que) = albeit (that), despite, in spite of, notwithstanding, although, despite the fact that, in spite of the fact that.* a pesar de todo = all the same, in spite of everything, despite everything, despite it all, in spite of it all, all this said.* a pesar de todo + Posesivo + Nombre = for all + Posesivo + Nombre.* con pesar = with regret.* muy a + Posesivo + pesar = to + Posesivo + chagrin.pesar22 = weigh.Ex: Letters and parcels would be weighed by library staff and franked to show the correct amount in lieu of sticking on postage stamps.
* pesar más que = outweigh, outbalance.* * *A1 (pena, tristeza) sorrowme expresó su pesar por la triste noticia she expressed her sorrow at the sad newsahoga sus pesares en el alcohol he drowns his sorrows in drinka pesar mío or muy a mi pesar tuve que ir much to my regret I had to gono debes causarle pesares a tu madre you mustn't upset your motherel que más pesares le causa the one who causes her the most grief o sorrow o heartache2 (remordimiento) regret, remorseno siente ningún pesar por sus malas acciones he feels no remorse for his wrongdoings, he does not regret his wrongdoingsBa pesar de despitea pesar de su enfermedad despite his illness, despite being illinsistió en salir a pesar de estar enfermo he insisted on going out despite being ill o in spite of being illa pesar de todo, prefiere quedarse in spite of o despite everything she prefers to staya pesar de los pesares ( fam); in spite of everythinga pesar de que no sabía mucho inglés, logró hacerse entender despite not knowing much English o although he didn't know much English, he managed to make himself understoodse llevó el coche, a pesar de que su padre se lo había prohibido he took the car, despite the fact that o although his father had forbidden him toviA1 «paquete/maleta» to be heavy¡cómo pesa tu maleta! your suitcase is terribly heavy!, your case weighs a ton! ( colloq)estas gafas no pesan these glasses don't weigh much, these glasses are very light¿te lo llevo? — no, si no me pesa shall I carry it for you? — no, it's not heavy2(ser una carga): ya me pesan los años I feel my age nowle pesan todas esas cargas familiares he's weighed down by all those family reponsibilities, all those family responsibilities weigh heavily on himpesar SOBRE algn/algo:toda la responsabilidad pesa sobre él all the responsibility falls on his shoulders o on himla hipoteca que pesa sobre la casa the mortgage on the house3(influir): su influencia sigue pesando en la región their influence continues to carry weight in the regionen esta cuestión no deben pesar los intereses personales personal interests shouldn't come o enter into thisha pesado más su personalidad que su ideología her personality has been more important o more of a factor than her ideologyargumentos que pesan a su favor arguments which weigh in his favorB (causar pena, arrepentimiento) (+ me/te/le etc):ahora me pesa haberle dicho eso now I regret saying that to him, now I'm sorry I said that to himya te pesará no haber estudiado cuando seas mayor when you're older you'll be sorry you didn't study o you'll regret not studyingme pesa haberlo ofendido I'm very sorry I offended himCpese a despite, in spite ofpese a todo, creo que su trabajo es el mejor despite o in spite of everything, I still think her work is the bestfirmó pese a no estar de acuerdo she signed even though she did not agreepese a que even thoughpese a que no lo invitaron, les mandó un regalo he sent them a present even though they didn't invite himpese a quien (le) pese: voy a decir la verdad, pese a quien (le) pese I'm going to speak the truth, no matter who I have to upset o no matter whose toes I have to tread onmal que me/te/le pese like it or notmal que te pese, tienes que reconocer que ganó en buena ley like it or not, you have to admit he won fair and squaremal que me pese, tendré que ponerles buena cara much as I dislike the idea I'll have to be nice to them■ pesarvt1 ‹niño/maleta› to weigh; ‹manzanas› to weigh out, weighes un kilo bien pesado that's a good o generous kilo2 (tener cierto peso) to weigh¿cuánto pesas? how much do you weigh?pesa 80 kilos he weighs 80 kilos■ pesarse( refl) to weigh oneself* * *
pesar 1 sustantivo masculino
1
a pesar mío or muy a mi pesar much to my regret
2
a pesar de todo in spite of o despite everything;
a pesar de que even though
pesar 2 ( conjugate pesar) verbo intransitivo
1 [paquete/maleta] to be heavy;
no me pesa it's not heavy
2 ( causar arrepentimiento) (+ me/te/le etc):
me pesa haberlo ofendido I'm very sorry I offended him
3
pese a que even though;
mal que me/le pese whether I like/he likes it or not
verbo transitivo
‹ manzanas› to weigh (out)
pesarse verbo pronominal ( refl) to weigh oneself
pesar
I verbo intransitivo
1 (tener peso físico) to weigh: esa carne pesa dos kilos, that meat weighs two kilos
2 (tener peso psíquico) to have influence: sus opiniones aún pesan en el grupo, his opinions still carry weight in the group
3 (causar arrepentimiento, dolor) to grieve: me pesa no haber ido con vosotros, I regret not having gone with you
II vtr (determinar un peso) to weigh
III sustantivo masculino
1 (pena, pesadumbre) sorrow, grief
2 (remordimiento) regret
♦ Locuciones: a pesar de, in spite of
a pesar de que, although ➣ Ver nota en aunque
' pesar' also found in these entries:
Spanish:
apencar
- arrepentirse
- aunque
- disgusto
- flema
- todavía
- atención
- falta
- hondo
- obstante
- sentimiento
English:
carry through
- catch up
- despite
- destroy
- down-to-earth
- fact
- for
- intact
- look forward to
- manage
- notwithstanding
- odds
- outweigh
- regardless
- regret
- regretfully
- ruefully
- spite
- stay on
- weigh
- while
- deep
- even
- measure
- regretful
- reluctantly
- sorrow
* * *♦ nm1. [tristeza] grief;todos sentimos un hondo pesar por su fallecimiento we all felt a great sorrow at his death2. [arrepentimiento] remorse;no le daba ningún pesar she felt no remorse at all♦ a pesar de loc prepdespite, in spite of;a pesar de las críticas in spite of o despite all the criticism;tuve que hacerlo a pesar mío I had to do it against my will;muy a nuestro pesar, hubo que invitarles we had to invite them, even though we really didn't want to;muy a pesar mío no puedo darte lo que me pides I can't give you what you want, much as I'd like to;a pesar de que… in spite of o despite the fact that…;a pesar de que me dolía, seguí jugando I carried on playing in spite of o despite the pain;a pesar de todo in spite of o despite everything;Fama pesar de los pesares in spite of o despite everything♦ vt1. [en balanza] to weigh;pésemelo, por favor could you weigh it for me, please?♦ vi1. [tener peso] to weigh;pesa cinco kilos it weighs five kilos;¿cuánto pesa? how much o what does it weigh?;¡qué poco pesa! it doesn't weigh much!2. [ser pesado] to be heavy;esta maleta no pesa nada this suitcase hardly weighs anything;¡ya va pesando la edad!, ¡ya van pesando los años! I'm getting old!sobre ti pesa la decisión última the final decision rests with you4. [importar, influir] to play an important part;en su decisión pesaron muchas razones a number of reasons influenced her decisionme pesa tener que decirte esto I'm sorry to have to tell you this;no me pesa haber dejado ese trabajo I have no regrets about leaving that job, I'm not at all sorry I left that job6. Compmal que te pese (whether you) like it or not* * *I v/t weighII v/icasi no pesa it weighs next to nothing2 ( influir) carry weight3 figde responsabilidad weigh heavily ( sobre on);me pesa tener que informarle … I regret to have to inform you …;mal que me/le pese like it or not, whether I/you like it or notIII m sorrowIV:a pesar de in spite of, despite;a pesar de ello nevertheless;a pesar de eso in spite of that, despite that;a pesar de que in spite of o despite the fact that, even though;a pesar mío against my wishes* * *pesar vt1) : to weigh2) examinar: to consider, to think overpesar vi1) : to weigh¿cuánto pesa?: how much does it weigh?2) : to be heavy3) : to weigh heavily, to be a burdenno le pesa: it's not a burden on himpesa sobre mi corazón: it weighs upon my heart4) influir: to carry weight, to have bearingme pesa mucho: I'm very sorry6)pese a : in spite of, despitepesar nm1) aflicción, pena: sorrow, grief2) remordimiento: remorse3)a pesar de : in spite of, despite* * *pesar1 na pesar de in spite of / despitepesar2 vb1. (en general) to weigh¿cuánto pesas? how much do you weigh?2. (tener mucho peso) to be heavy -
127 हस्तः _hastḥ
हस्तः [हस्-तन् न इट् Uṇ.3.86]1 The hand; हस्तं गत 'fallen in the hand or possession of'; गौतमीहस्ते विसर्जयि- ष्यामि Ś.3 'I shall send it by Gautamī'; so हस्ते पतिता; हस्तसंनिहितां कुरु &c.; शंभुना दत्तहस्ता Me.62 'leaning on Śam- bhu's hand'; हस्ते-कृ1 (हस्तेकृत्य-कृत्वा) 'to take or seize by the hand, take hold of the hand, take in hand, take possession of'; Prov.:--हस्तकङ्कणं किं दर्पणे प्रेक्ष्यते Karpūr. 'sight requires no mirror'.-2 The truck of an elephant; Ku.1.36; अथवा हस्तिहस्तचञ्चलानि पुरुषभाग्यानि भवन्ति Avimārakam 2.-3 N. of the 13th lunar mansion consisting of five stars.-4 The fore-arm, cu- bit, a measure of length (equal to 24 aṅgulas or about 18 inches, being the distance between the elbow and the tip of the middle finger).-5 Hand-writing, signa- ture; धनी वोपगतं दद्यात् स्वहस्तपरिचिह्नितम् Y.1.319; स्वहस्त- कालसंपन्नं शासनम् 1.32 'bearing date and signature'; धार्यतामयं प्रियायाः स्वहस्तः V.2 'the autograph of my beloved'; 2.2.-6 (Hence fig.) Proof, in- dication; Mu.3.-7 Help, assistance, support; वात्या खेदं कृशाङ्ग्याः सुचिरमवयवैर्दत्तहस्ता करोति Ve.2.21.-8 A mass, quantity, abundance (of hair), in comp. with केश, कच &c.; पाशः पक्षश्च हस्तश्च कलापार्थाः कचात् Ak.; रतिविगलितबन्धे केशहस्ते सुकेश्याः सति कुसुमसनाथे किं करोत्यषे वहीं V.4.22.-स्तम् 1 A pair of leather-bellows.-2 Skill (in using the hand); कलासु कौशलमक्षभूमिहस्तादिषु Dk. 2.2.-Comp. -अक्षरम् one's own hand or signature, one's own sign-manual.-अग्रम् the finger (being the extremity of the hand).-अङ्गुलिः f. any finger of the hand.-अभ्यासः contact with the hand.-अवलम्बः, आलम्बनम् support of the hand; दत्तहस्तावलम्बे प्रारम्भे Ratn.1.8 'being aided or helped on'.-आमलकम् 'the fruit of the myrobalan held in the hand', a phrase used to denote that which can be clearly and easily seen or understood; cf. करतलामलकफलवदखिलं जगदालोकयताम् K.43.-आवापः 1 a finger-guard (ज्याघातवारणम्); V.5; Ś.6.-2 a hand-fetter; व्यालकुञ्जरदुर्गेषु सर्पचोरभयेषु च । हस्तावापेन गच्छन्ति नास्तिकाः किमतः परम् ॥ Mb.12.181.5.-कमलम् 1 a lotus carried in the hand.-2 a lotus-like hand.-कौशलम् manual dexterity.-क्रिया manual work or performance, handicraft.-गत, -गामिन् a. come to hand, fallen into one's possession, obtained, secured; त्वं प्रार्थ्यसे हस्तगता ममैभिः R.7.67;8.1.-ग्राहः taking by the hand.-चापल्यम् = हस्तकौशलम् q. v.-तलम् 1 the palm of the hand.-2 the tip of an ele- phant's trunk.-तालः striking the palms together, clap- ping the hands.-तुला 'hand-balance', weighing in the hand; हस्ततुलयापि निपुणाः पलप्रमाणं विजानन्ति Pt.2.83.-दक्षिण a.1 situated on the right hand.-2 Right, correct.-दोषः a slip of the hand.-धारणम्, -वारणम् warding off a blow (with the hand).-पादम् the hands and feet; न मे हस्तपादं प्रसरति Ś.4.-पुच्छम् the hand below the wrist.-पृष्ठम् the back of the hand.-प्रद a. sup- porting, helping.-प्राप्त, -वर्तिन्, -स्थ, -स्थित a.1 held in the hand.-2 gained, secured.-प्राप्य a. easily accessible to the hand; that can be reached with the hand; हस्तप्राप्यस्तबकनमितो बालमन्दारवृक्षः Me.77.-बिम्बम् perfuming the body with unguents.-भ्रष्ट a. escaped.-मणिः a jewel worn on the wrist.-रोधम् ind. in the hands; हस्तरोधं दधद् धनुः Bk.5.32.-लाघवम् 1 manual readiness or skill.-2 a sleight of the hand, legerdemain.-लेखः Sketching practice before producing an object of art, hand-drawing; अस्यैव सर्गाय भवत्करस्य सरोजसृष्टिर्मम हस्तलेखः N.7.72; हस्तलेखमसृजत् खलु जन्मस्थानरेणुकमसौ भवदर्थम् ibid.21.69.-वापः = हस्तक्षेपः shooting (arrows) with the hand; यस्यैकषष्टिर्निशितास्तीक्ष्णधाराः सुवाससः संमतो हस्तवापः Mb. 5.23.22.-वाम a. situated on the left (or wrong) hand.-विन्यासः position of the hands.-संवाहनम् rub- bing or shampooing with the hands; संभोगान्ते मम समुचितो हस्तसंवाहनानां यास्यत्युरुः सरसकदलीगर्भगौरश्चलत्वम् Me.98.-सिद्धिः f.1 manual labour, doing with the hands.-2 hire, wages.-सूत्रम् a bracelet or thread-string worn on the wrist; धात्र्यङ्गुलीभिः प्रतिसार्यमाणमूर्णामयं कौतुकहस्त- सूत्रम् Ku.7.25.-स्वस्तिकः crossing the hands; स्तनविनि- हितहस्तस्वस्तिकाभिर्वधूभिः Māl.4.1.-हार्य a. manifest. -
128 Creativity
Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with DisorderEven to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)[P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Creativity
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