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separate

  • 1 ločevati

    Slovenian-english dictionary > ločevati

  • 2 lǭčìti

    lǭčìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `separate'
    Page in Trubačev: XVI 132-134
    Old Church Slavic:
    lǫčiti (Supr.) `separate' [verb], lǫčǫ [1sg]
    Czech:
    loučiti (lit.) `separate, (arch.) unite' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    lúčiti `separate' [verb]
    Slovak:
    lúčit' sa `separate, part' [verb]
    Polish:
    ɫączyć `separate, unite' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lúčiti `separate, herd together' [verb], lȗčīm [1sg]
    Slovene:
    lǫ́čiti `bend, separate' [verb], lǫ́čim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    lankýti `visit' [verb]
    Latvian:
    lùoĉit `bend repeatedly, move, arrange' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: lonk-
    Page in Pokorny: 676

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  • 3 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

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  • 4 ločen

    divorced, separate

    Slovenian-english dictionary > ločen

  • 5 ločiti

    detach, separate

    Slovenian-english dictionary > ločiti

  • 6 ločiti se

    divorce, separate

    Slovenian-english dictionary > ločiti se

  • 7 bolzìna

    bolzìna Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: II 183-184
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnos
    Lithuanian:
    balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;
    balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3
    Latvian:
    bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    balsinis `cushion';
    pobalso `bolster'
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-
    Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bjalki `beam'
    ;
    OHG balko `beam'
    ;
    OE balca `beam'
    \{1\}

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  • 8 cě̄dìti

    cě̄dìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `strain, filter'
    Page in Trubačev: III 174-175
    Church Slavic:
    cěditi `strain, filter' [verb]
    Russian:
    cedít' `strain, filter' [verb], cežú [1sg], cédit [3sg] \{1\}
    Czech:
    cediti `strain, filter' [verb]
    Slovak:
    cedit' `strain, filter' [verb]
    Polish:
    cedzić `strain, filter' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    cìe̯ʒĕc `strain, filter' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    cydźić `strain, filter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    cijèditi `strain, filter' [verb], cȉjedīm [1sg];
    Čak. cīdȉti (Vrgada) `strain, filter' [verb], cĩdīš [2sg];
    Čak. ciedȉt (Vrgada) `sift, sieve, drain, strain off' [verb], ciẽdin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    cẹdíti `strain, filter, drip' [verb], cẹdím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    cedjá `strain, filter' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)koiʔd-
    Lithuanian:
    skíesti `separate, dilute' [verb]
    Latvian:
    šk̨iêst `scatter, spill, cut' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: (s)koid-
    Page in Pokorny: 920
    Other cognates:
    OIc. skíta `shit' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).

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  • 9 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 10 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 11 gъrbъ

    gъrbъ; gъrba Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hump'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 199-201
    Church Slavic:
    grobъ (Bon.) `back, hump' [m o];
    grobь (Pog.) `back, hump' [m o]
    Russian:
    gorb `hump, (dial.) back' [m o]
    Czech:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Slovak:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Polish:
    garb `hump' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gȓb `back' [m o];
    gȑba `hump' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    gȓb `hump, back, wrinkle' [m o];
    gŕba `hump, back, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    grăb `back' [m o];
    gắrba `hump' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    garbis [ grabis] (EV) `hill' \{1\}
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 387
    Comments: In my opinion, it is preferable to separate * gъrbъ from -> *grǫbъ, * grubъ `coarse, rude'. Of course, the roots may have influenced one another. We may reconstruct * grbʰ-, if we wish to stick to Indo-European terms, perhaps an enlarged of a root meaning `bend' (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 324-326).
    Notes:
    \{1\} The emendation is justified by many place-names, e.g. Gailgarben or Geylegarben `Weissenberg'.

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  • 12 gъrba

    gъrbъ; gъrba Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hump'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 199-201
    Church Slavic:
    grobъ (Bon.) `back, hump' [m o];
    grobь (Pog.) `back, hump' [m o]
    Russian:
    gorb `hump, (dial.) back' [m o]
    Czech:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Slovak:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Polish:
    garb `hump' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gȓb `back' [m o];
    gȑba `hump' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    gȓb `hump, back, wrinkle' [m o];
    gŕba `hump, back, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    grăb `back' [m o];
    gắrba `hump' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    garbis [ grabis] (EV) `hill' \{1\}
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 387
    Comments: In my opinion, it is preferable to separate * gъrbъ from -> *grǫbъ, * grubъ `coarse, rude'. Of course, the roots may have influenced one another. We may reconstruct * grbʰ-, if we wish to stick to Indo-European terms, perhaps an enlarged of a root meaning `bend' (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 324-326).
    Notes:
    \{1\} The emendation is justified by many place-names, e.g. Gailgarben or Geylegarben `Weissenberg'.

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  • 13 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

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