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1 vědrò
vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'Old Church Slavic:vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]Russian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Czech:vědro `bucket' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vjèdro `bucket' [n o];vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]Slovene:vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]Bulgarian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Lithuanian:vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3aLatvian:vę̂dars `belly' [m o]Old Prussian:weders (EV) `belly, stomach'Indo-European reconstruction: ued-rómComments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.Other cognates:Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];Notes:\{1\} With unclear -t-. -
2 vysòkъ
vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]Czech:vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]Slovak:vysoký `high' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]Slovene:visòk `high' [adj o]Bulgarian:visók `high, tall' [adj o]Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.Other cognates:OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj] -
3 glistъ
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
4 glīstà
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
5 māxàti
māxàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave'Page in Trubačev: XVII 123-126Church Slavic:Russian:maxát' `wave' [verb], mašú [1sg], mášet [3sg]Czech:máchati `wave' [verb]Slovak:máchat' `swing' [verb]Polish:machać `wave, swing' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:máhati `wave' [verb], mȃšȇm [1sg];Čak. må̄hȁti (Vrgada) `wave' [verb], må̃šeš [2sg];Čak. māhȁt (Orbanići) `wave' [verb], mãšen [1sg]Slovene:máhati `wave' [verb], máham [1sg]Bulgarian:máxam `wave' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maHs-Lithuanian:mosúoti `wave' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂s-Page in Pokorny: 693Comments: In spite of the fact that the x in *maxati is not the regular reflex of *s in this position, I assume that we are dealing with a Balto-Slavic enlargement s of the root *meh₂- `to beckon'. -
6 orlьja
orlьja Grammatical information: f. iā Proto-Slavic meaning: `field, arable land'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 177-179Old Russian:Ukrainian:rilljá `ploughed field' [f jā]Czech:rolí (S. dial.) `field, arable land' [n io]Old Czech:rolí `field, arable land' [f iā]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂e/orh₃-iH-Page in Pokorny: 62Comments: I assume that the root-final laryngeal had been lost in pretonic position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress. Note that in forms such as *ràdlo AP (a) originates from Hirt's law. -
7 šьvьcь
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8 ūslò(?)
ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'Russian:usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).Notes:\{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'
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