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1 problem
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2 problem
проблема, вопрос -
3 olьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
4 elьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
5 težava
complication, difficulty, embarrassment, problem, snag, trouble -
6 edìnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
7 edьnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
8 olbǭdь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
9 olbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
10 elbedь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
11 elbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
12 rębь
rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'Russian:rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}Slovene:rę̑b `partridge' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3bLatvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'. -
13 rębъkъ
rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'Russian:rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}Slovene:rę̑b `partridge' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3bLatvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'. -
14 sěrъ
śěrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `grey'Church Slavic:Russian:séryj `grey' [adj o];Ukrainian:síryj `grey' [adj o]Czech:šerý `grey' [adj o]Old Czech:šěrý `grey' [adj o]Slovak:šerý `grey' [adj o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:šěry `grey' [adj o]Slovene:sę́r `grey' [adj o], sę́ra [Nomsf]Indo-European reconstruction: ḱh₂e/oiro-Comments: The initial fricative results from the palatalization of *x- before *ě < * oi/ai. According to Kortlandt (1994: 112), *ḱh₂ was depalatalized to *kH in Balto-Slavic, which sequence ultimately yielded k in Lithuanian and *x in Proto-Slavic. Heidermanns (1993: 269), seems to ignore the problem.Other cognates:OIc. hárr `grey-haired, old' [adj]; -
15 sъdòrvъ
sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'Old Church Slavic:Russian:zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}Old Russian:Czech:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Slovak:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]Slovene:zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.Other cognates:Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];Notes:\{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133). -
16 ūslò(?)
ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'Russian:usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).Notes:\{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?' -
17 vědrò
vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'Old Church Slavic:vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]Russian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Czech:vědro `bucket' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vjèdro `bucket' [n o];vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]Slovene:vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]Bulgarian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Lithuanian:vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3aLatvian:vę̂dars `belly' [m o]Old Prussian:weders (EV) `belly, stomach'Indo-European reconstruction: ued-rómComments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.Other cognates:Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];Notes:\{1\} With unclear -t-.
См. также в других словарях:
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Problem-oriented policing — (POP), coined by University of Wisconsin Madison professor Herman Goldstein, is a policing strategy that involves the identification and analysis of specific crime and disorder problems, in order to develop effective response strategies in… … Wikipedia
Problem shaping — means revising a question so that the solution process can begin or continue. It is part of the larger problem process that includes problem finding and problem solving. Problem shaping (or problem framing) often involves the application of… … Wikipedia
Problem Child — may refer to: * Problem Child (1990 film) * Problem Child 2 , a 1991 comedy sequel * , a 1995 film * Problem Child (TV series), a 1993 animated series * Problem Child (song), by AC/DC on the albums Dirty Deeds Done Dirt Cheap and Let There Be… … Wikipedia
Problem novel — is a term used to refer to a sub genre of young adult literature that deal exclusively with an adolescent s first confrontation with a social or personal ill. The term was first used in the late 1960s to differentiate contemporary works like The… … Wikipedia
Problem Child — Título Adorable criatura (Hispanoamérica) brasil o pestinha Este chico es un demonio (España) Ficha técnica Dirección Dennis Dugan Guion Música Miles Goodman … Wikipedia Español
problem child — ˈproblem ˌchild noun problem children PLURALFORM [countable usually singular] 1. COMMERCE a product or business that has financial problems, often one that its makers or owners do not know what to do with: • The troubled company is widely… … Financial and business terms
