popular+etymology

pers. pron. Alors, viens-ti? Well, are you coming? T'as-ti tout ce qu'il te faut? Well, have you got all your gubbins? (This interrogative particle is seen in popular etymology as a corruption of tu; it has a rather 'yokelish' flavour and is used in modern colloquial French usually with jocular undertones.)

from English garlic and Gaelic garg, bitter, by popular etymology.

-ά,-όν ⁺ A 2-4-10-4-15=35 Gn 27,34; Ex 15,23; Jgs^B 18,25; 1 Sm 15,32; 2 Sm 2,26

bitter (of drink) Ex 15,23; id. (metaph.) Gn 27,34; embittered, angry (of people) Jgs^B 18,25; Πικρά (proper name; linking Πικρά with πικραίνω reflecting the MT aetiological or popular etymology that links מרא with מרר) Ru 1,20

πρᾶγμα πικρόν a bitter thing, a painful matter Ps 63(64),4, cpr. πρᾶγμα

*Jer 20,8 ὅτι πικρῷ λόγῳ μου for in the bitterness of my speech, for with bitter speech-דברי מר כי? for MT

אדבר מדי כי for whenever I speak

Cf. DORIVAL 1994, 123

ἀσκωλι-άζω,

A hop on greased wineskins at the Ἀσκώλια, Ar.Pl. 1129 (cf. Sch.).

II hop on one leg,

ἀσκωλιάζειν ῥᾷον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀριστεροῖς Arist.IA 705b33

, cf. Ael.NA3.13, Plu.2.621f, Gal.11.106; also, jump up and down with legs held together, Sch.Orib.3p.689D. (Signf. 11 may be original and the connexion with ἀσκός due to popular etymology.)

ὠμήλῠσις, εως, ἡ,

A bruised meal of raw corn, esp. barley or wheat (hence with κριθίνη or πυρίνη added), used for poultices, Hp.Morb. 2.31, Nat.Mul.27, Gal.10.282, 19.156; applied without water, Id.12.863; written divisim,

μετὰ ὠμῆς λύσεως Dsc.3.24

, Arching. ap. Gal.12.675, Gp.14.7.7. (Compd. of ὠμός and Αλῠσις 'grinding', cf. ἄλεσις, ἀλέω, ἄλευρον, and foreg.; also perh. OE. ealu 'ale':—the form ὠμῆς λύσεως by popular etymology:

εἰρῆσθαι δὲ ὅτι οὐ φρυγόμενον ἀλήθεται AB318

.)

omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];

imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]

jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];

melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];

omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];

imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];

jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]

jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]

ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];

mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];

òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];

imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]

ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3^b

amuols;

ęmuols (BW);

amuls;

āmals;

āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}

emelno (EV) `mistletoe'

IE meaning: mistletoe

Certainty: -

Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .

\{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];

imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]

jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];

melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];

omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];

imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];

jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]

jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]

ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];

mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];

òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];

imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]

ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3^b

amuols;

ęmuols (BW);

amuls;

āmals;

āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}

emelno (EV) `mistletoe'

IE meaning: mistletoe

Certainty: -

Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .

\{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];

imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]

jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];

melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];

omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];

imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];

jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]

jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]

ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];

mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];

òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];

imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]

ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3^b

amuols;

ęmuols (BW);

amuls;

āmals;

āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}

emelno (EV) `mistletoe'

IE meaning: mistletoe

Certainty: -

Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .

\{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

omela `lure (for birds)' [f ā];

imela `lure (for birds)' [f ā]

jmelí `mistletoe' [n io];

melí (dial.) `mistletoe' [n io];

omela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

omelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o];

imelo, jmelo (dial.) `mistletoe' [n o]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jamioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā];

imioɫa (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

jemioɫa `mistletoe' [f ā];

jemioɫ `mistletoe' [m o];

jemioɫo `mistletoe' [n o]

jemjoɫ, hemjoɫ `mistletoe' [m o]

ìmela `mistletoe' [f ā];

mèla `mistletoe' [f ā];

òmela (dial.) `mistletoe' [f ā]

omę́la `mistletoe' [f ā];

imę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

mę̑la `mistletoe' [f ā];

melję̑ `mistletoe' [n jo]

ãmalas, ẽmalas `mistletoe' [m o] 3^b

amuols;

ęmuols (BW);

amuls;

āmals;

āmuls `mistletoe, clover' [m o] \{1\}

emelno (EV) `mistletoe'

IE meaning: mistletoe

Certainty: -

Comments: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h₁m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H₃eHm- `raw' .

\{1\} The forms with ā- may show the influence of âbuõls `apple, clover'.

Βαρναβᾶς, ᾶ, ὁ (Βαρνάβας edd.; ברנבו? SEG VII, 381, 5.—See Dssm., B 175ff, NB 16 [BS 187ff, 307ff], ZNW 7, 1906, 91f; Dalman, Worte 32, Gram.² 178, 4; HCadbury, Semitic Personal Names in Luke-Acts: RHarris Festschr. [Amicitiae Corolla], ed. HWood ’33, 47f, JBL 52, ’33, 59) Barnabas, a Levite fr. Cyprus, whose first name was Joseph (Ac 4:36), uncle of John Mark Col 4:10 (cp. Ac 15:37) and freq. cited in association w. Paul Ac 9:27; 11:22, 30; 12:25; chs. 13–15 (18 times); 1 Cor 9:6; Gal 2:1, 9, 13; Col 4:10; 2 Cor subscr.; B subscr. In Ac 4:36 his name is translated υἱὸς παρακλήσεως son of consolation, but it is not quite clear how this rendering, prob. a popular etymology, is derived.—RTaylor, CQR 136, ’43, 59–79; Bruce, Acts 160.—M-M.

ἀκροβυστία, ας, ἡ (prob. from ἀκροποσθία [Hippocrates, Aph. 6, 19; Aristot., HA 1, 13, 493a, 29], connected by popular etymology w. βύειν; B-D-F §120, 4; Mlt-H. 277; found only in Bibl. and eccl. Gk.; Etym. Magn. p. 53, 47; Lampe).

① lit. prepuce, foreskin (opp. περιτομή). ἄνδρες ἀ. ἔχοντες uncircumcised people (=gentiles; cp. Gen 34:14) Ac 11:3.—1 Cor 7:18f. ἀπερίτμητος ἀκροβυστίᾳ w. uncircumcised foreskin B 9:5.

② fig. uncircumcision as a state of being Ro 2:25ff; Gal 5:6; 6:15. πιστεύειν διʼ ἀκροβυστίας to believe as an uncircumcised man, i.e. as a non-Judean or gentile Ro 4:11; B 13:7; cp. Ro 4:10–12. W. ref. to the sins of the gentile world νεκροὶ … τῇ ἀ. τῆς σαρκὸς ὑμῶν dead through your uncircumcised (i.e. full of vice, in the gentile manner) flesh Col 2:13 (cp. Gen 17:11 σὰρξ τῆς ἀ.).

③ abstr. for concr. noncircumcised, gentiles i.e. non-Judeans (beside περιτομή) Ro 3:30; 4:9; Col 3:11; Eph 2:11. τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς ἀ. the gospel for the gentile world (gospel of/about uncircumcision is less prob., for the corresponding statement about Peter would call for an unlikely emphasis on circumcision by Peter, and vs. 8 balances ἔθνη against περιτομή) Gal 2:7.—DELG s.v. ἀκ-44. M-M (no pap examples). TW.

Ἄρχιππος, ου, ὁ Archippus a common name (Diod S 18, 58, 1; SIG index; PHib 124–26; 130; Tat. 31, 3), found also in west. Asia Minor (CIG 3143 I, 22; 3224 Smyrna). Of a Christian in Colossae Col 4:17, called συστρατιώτης (perh. w. a play on the name Ἀ., in popular etymology suggestive of military association) of Paul and Titus, Phlm 2. Cp. also inscription v.l. and subscr. v.l.—LGPN I.

1 slang.

2 argot, jargon, slang, slang used in a specific field or by a specific group.

* * *

► nombre masculino

1 (popular) slang

2 (técnico) jargon

* * *

[ar'ɡo]

* * *

masculino (pl - gots) slang

* * *

= slang, argot, slang word, cant, lingo.

Ex. Some specialized dictionaries cover acronyms, usage, pronunciation, spelling, etymology, slang, rhymes, and so on.

Ex. To speak the argot, one of the main rules is called 'police palaver' -- never use a short word where a long one will do.

Ex. Wine lovers around the world have joyously adopted the British slang word 'plonk' to describe poor, cheap wine.

Ex. This essay traces the changing status of cant and vulgar languages in eighteenth-century Britain.

Ex. Every profession has its lingo, that is to say its list of frequently used terms familiar to practitioners of that profession.

----

* argot de los cacos = thieves' cant.

* argot de los ladrones = thieves' cant.

* argot secreto de los cacos = thieves' cant.

* llena de argot = slangy.

* * *

masculino (pl - gots) slang

* * *

* * *

(pl - gots)

slang

el argot estudiantil student slang

* * *

◊ - gots) slang

* * *

argot (pl argots) nm

1. [popular] slang

2. [técnico] jargon

* * *

m slang

* * *

argot nm

: slang

* * *

argot n

1. (coloquial) slang

2. (profesional) jargon

Grammatical information: m.

Meaning: `lobe, lap, slip' as appellation of several lap- or sliplike parts of body or plant, esp. `lobe of the ear' (Ξ 182), also `lobe of liver' (Hp., A., E., Pl.), `of the lung' (medic.) etc.; `lap, Blättchen des Fliederblattes' (Thphr.), `capsula with seeds, (hanging down) pods of siliquosae- and leguminous plants' ans these themselves, `pod, seed-lobe, fruit-lobe in gen.' (Thphr., Dsc., Gal.). Details in Strömberg Eranos 40, 90ff.; he wants to explain the meaning `pod, case' through popular association with λοπός `shell, bark, scale', which is superfluous with the development of meanings scetched above. Demin. λόβιον (Gal., Dsc.).

Compounds: Often as 2. member, e.g. πρό-λοβος m. `crop of birds, Adam's apple' (Arist., LXX), but προ-λόβιον `the front part of the lobe of the ear' (Poll., H.); ἔλ-λοβος `in a pod, with pod' (Thphr.; lengthened ἐλλοβ-ώδης `id.'; cf. Strömberg Theophrastea 164), but ἐλ-λόβιον `ear-ring' (Luc., S.E.); ἀντι-λόβιον, - βίς `part of the ear-lobe opposite to the προλόβιον' (medic.); ἐπιλοβίς μέρος τοῦ ἥπατος H.; as adj. in ἡ ἐπιλοβὶς γλῶσσα `lobe of the liver' (of soothsayers, PAmh. 2, 14, 21; III--IV<sup>p</sup>); as building term καταλοβεύς m. `uppercornice, cross-beam' (Epid., Hierapytna); ὀξυλοβ-έω ' τὸ ταχέως ἀκούω' (Suid.), from *ὀξύ-λοβος, s. Strömberg l.c.

Derivatives: Dimin. λόβιον (Gal, Dsc.).

Origin: XX [etym. unknown]

Etymology: Etymology unknown. Semantically attractive is the connection with NHG Lappen a. cognates., e.g. OE læppa m. `tip, lap', ēar-læppa `ear-lobe', also without expressive gemination as WNo. lapa `hang slack', MLG ōr-lepel `ear-lobe'. Further with deviating ă-vowel Lat. lăbāre `totter, give way' beside long vowel in lābor, lābī `glide'; with initial sl- e.g. MLG slap 'sleck', Lith. slãbnas, OCS slabъ `slack'; extensively on these WP. 2, 431 f., W.- Hofmann s. labō; also Pok. 655 f.; Fraenkel Wb. s. slãbnas, Vasmer Wb. s. slábyj. The IE b may, like the varying vocalisation, be connected with the popular-expressive character of these words. - Connection with Lat. legūmen `leguminous plant etc.' (Fick, Prellwitz) would presuppose IE * legʷ-, which would be more attractive; the Lat. word, however, has also been interpreted differently, s. W.-Hofmann s. v. - Beside λοβός there seems to have been a form *λέβος, s. 1. λεβηρίς (?). If this is correct - but it is rather unreliable - the word may be Pre-Greek; the cited IE forms rather point to a European substratum word.

Page in Frisk: 2,131-132

1) ( общенациональный) national

2) (общенародный; касающийся простого народа) popular; people's; public

3) ( касающийся простого народа) ( связанный с национальными традициями) national, traditional; ( фольклорный) popular; folk (attr)

4) (в названиях нек-рых органов, должностей и званий) People's

••

* * *

s, m., pl. ir: [the etymology of this word has been much contested; some—upon the authority of Snorri, hans menn fóru ‘brynjulausir,’ Hkr. i. 11—derive it from ‘berr’ ( bare) and ‘serkr’ [cp. sark, Scot. for shirt]; but this etymology is inadmissible, because ‘serkr’ is a subst. not an adj.: others derive it from ‘berr’ (Germ. bär = ursus), which is greatly to be preferred, for in olden ages athletes and champions used to wear hides of bears, wolves, and reindeer (as skins of lions in the south), hence the names Bjálfi, Bjarnhéðinn, Úlfhéðinn, (héðinn, pellis,)—‘pellibus aut parvis rhenonum tegimentis utuntur,’ Caes. Bell. Gall. vi. 22: even the old poets understood the name so, as may be seen in the poem of Hornklofi (beginning of 10th century), a dialogue between a Valkyrja and a raven, where the Valkyrja says, at berserkja reiðu vil ek þik spyrja, to which the raven replies, Úlfhéðnar heita, they are called Wolfcoats, cp. the Vd. ch. 9; þeir berserkir er Úlfhéðnar vóru kallaðir, þeir höfðu vargstakka ( coats of wild beasts) fyrir brynjur, Fs. 17]:—a ‘bear-sark,’ ‘bear-coat,’ i. e. a wild warrior or champion of the heathen age; twelve berserkers are mentioned as the chief followers of several kings of antiquity, e. g. of the Dan. king Rolf Krake, Edda 82; a Swed. king, Gautr. S. Fas. iii. 36; king Adils, Hrólf. Kr. S. ch. 16 sqq.; Harald Hárfagri, Eg. ch. 9, Grett. ch. 2, Vd. l. c. (Hornklofi, v. above); the twelve sons of Arngrim, Hervar. S. ch. 3–5, Hdl. 22, 23; the two berserkers sent as a present by king Eric at Upsala to earl Hakon of Norway, and by him presented to an Icel. nobleman, Eb. ch. 25. In battle the berserkers were subject to fits of frenzy, called berserks-gangr (furor bersercicus, cp. the phrase, ganga berserksgang), when they howled like wild beasts, foamed at the mouth and gnawed the iron rim of their shields; during these fits they were, according to popular belief, proof against steel and fire, and made great havoc in the ranks of the enemy; but when the fever abated they were weak and tame. A graphical description of the ‘furor bersercicus’ is found in the Sagas, Yngl. S. ch. 6, Hervar. S. l. c., Eg. ch. 27, 67, Grett. ch. 42, Eb. ch. 25, Nj. ch. 104, Kristni S. ch. 2, 8 (Vd. ch. 46); cp. also a passage in the poem of Hornklofi | grenjuðu berserkir, | guðr var þeim á sinnum, | emjaðu Úlfhéðnar | ok ísarn gniiðu—which lines recall to the mind Roman descriptions of the Cimbric war-cry. In the Icel. Jus Eccles. the berserksgangr, as connected with the heathen age, is liable to the lesser outlawry, K. Þ. K. 78; it is mentioned as a sort of possession in Vd. ch. 37, and as healed by a vow to God. In the Dropl. S. Major (in MS.) it is medically described as a disease (v. the whole extract in the essay ‘De furore Bersercico,’ Kristni S. old Ed. in cake); but this Saga is modern, probably of the first part of the 17th century. The description of these champions has a rather mythical character. A somewhat different sort of berserker is also recorded in Norway as existing in gangs of professional bullies, roaming about from house to house, challenging husbandmen to ‘holmgang’ ( duel), extorting ransom (leysa sik af hólmi), and, in case of victory, carrying off wives, sisters, or daughters; but in most cases the damsel is happily rescued by some travelling Icelander, who fights and kills the berserker. The most curious passages are Glúm, ch. 4, 6, Gísl. ch. 1 (cp. Sir Edm. Head’s and Mr. Dasent’s remarks in the prefaces), Grett. ch. 21, 42, Eg. ch. 67, Flóam. S. ch. 15, 17; according to Grett. ch. 21, these banditti were made outlaws by earl Eric, A. D. 1012. It is worth noticing that no berserker is described as a native of Icel.; the historians are anxious to state that those who appeared in Icel. (Nj., Eb., Kr. S. l. c.) were born Norse (or Swedes), and they were looked upon with fear and execration. That men of the heathen age were taken with fits of the ‘furor athleticus’ is recorded in the case of Thorir in the Vd., the old Kveldulf in Eg., and proved by the fact that the law set a penalty upon it. Berserkr now and then occurs as a nickname, Glúm. 378. The author of the Yngl. S. attributes the berserksgangr to Odin and his followers, but this is a sheer misinterpretation, or perhaps the whole passage is a rude paraphrase of Hm. 149 sqq. In the old Hbl. 37 berserkr and giant are used synonymously. The berserkers are the representatives of mere brute force, and it therefore sounds almost blasphemous, when the Norse Barl. S. speaks of Guðs berserkr (a ‘bear-coat’ or champion of God), (Jesus Kristr gleymdi eigi hólmgöngu sins berserks), 54, 197. With the introduction of Christianity this championship disappeared altogether.

m. (and n.), God.

* * *

m.; the plur. used to render the Lat. dii is guðir; [for etymology and changes of this word see p. 207]:—God.

A. Though the primitive form Goð rhymes with boð ( bidding), stoð ( help), and many other words, the second form Guð rhymes with no single word, so that in hymns the poets are wont to use incomplete rhymes, as brauð ( bread), nauð ( need); and exact rhymes can only be obtained by the last syllables of derivatives, e. g. Iðranin blíðkar aptur Guð | ei verður syndin tilreiknuð, Pass. 40. 4; or Upphaf alls mesta ófögn uðs | áklögun ströng og reiði Guðs, 3. 14; Svo er nú syndin innsigluð | iðrandi sála kvitt við Guð, 50. 14; but these rhyme-syllables can only occur in trisyllabic words (Gramm. p. xv):—the following are examples of incomplete rhymes, Vinir þér enga veittu stoð | svo vinskap fengi eg við sannan Guð, Pass. 3. 7; Föðurlegt hjarta hefir Guð | við hvern sem líðr kross og nauð, 3. 16; Herra minn þú varst hulinn Guð | þá hæðni leiðst og krossins nauð, 40. 16; as also in the hymn, Til þín Heilagi Herra Guð | hef eg lypt sálu minni | af hug og hjarta í hverri neyð | hjástoð treystandi þinni, Hólabók 108, rendering of Ps. xxv; Luther’s hymn, Ein feste burg ist unser Gott, is in the Icel. rendering, Óvinnanlig borg er vor Guð | ágæta skjöldr og verja | hann frelsar oss af allri nauð, Hólabók 182; Fyrir valtan veraldar auð | set þína trú á sannan Guð | sem allt skapaði fyrir sitt boð, 208 (in Hans Sachs’ hymn); hugsjúkir eta harma brauð | hollari fæðu gefr Guð | sér ljúfum þá þeir sofa, 124, Ps. cxxvii. 2.

B. PHRASES:—Guðs ást, Guðs elska, the love of God; Guðs gata, the way of God, 625. 87; Guðs gæðska, Guðs náð, the grace, goodness of God; Guðs miskunn, Guðs mildi, the mercy of God; Guðs ótti, the fear of God; Guðs gjöf, God’s gift; Guði friðr, the peace of God; Guðs hús, the house of God; Guðs musteri, the temple of God; Guðs orð, the word of God; and in popular usage, Guðsorða-bók, ‘God’s word-book,’ i. e. a religious book, not only of the Bible, but generally of hymns, sermons, etc., opp. to historical or secular books, sögu-bækr; Guðs maðr, a man of God, Stj. passim; Guðs ríki, the kingdom of God; Guðs Kristni, the Church of God, 625. 82; Guðs vin, God’s friend, Fms. i. 139; Guðs þjónn, God’s servant; Guðs þræll, the thrall of God, Greg. 54, Bs. i. 638; Guðs Sonr, the Son of God; Guðs trú, faith in God; Guðs þjónusta, Divine service (in Papal times the mass), K. Á. 36; of the sacrament, Bs. i. 638; Guðs akr, Germ. Gottes acker, ‘God’s acre,’ a churchyard; Guðs kista, God’s chest, the temple-treasury, Mark xii. 41; Guðs líkami = Corpus Domini, K. Á. 38; Guðs móðir, God’s mother (the Virgin Mary):—in Papal times, Guðs eign, God’s property = church glebes; Guðs lög, God’s law, i. e. the ecclesiastical law, as opp. to lands lög, the law of the land, i. e. the secular or civil law, K. Á. ch. 9, (for an interesting note upon this subject vide H. E. i. 133, note b); Guðs réttr, God’s right, i. e. ecclesiastical right, Fms. vii. 305; Guðs þakkir, ‘God’s thanks,’ charity, Grág. i. 222, K. Þ. K. 142, Hom. 34; whence the popular contracted form gustuk, a charity, pittance, in such phrases as, það er ekki gustuk, ‘tis no charity, ‘tis a pity, e. g. of dealing harshly with the poor; gustuka-verk, a work of charity; göra e-t í gustuka skyni, to do a thing as a charity: in former times the phrases Guðs þakkir and sálu-gjafir (soul’s gifts) were synonymous, including not only gifts to churches, clergy, and the poor, but also the building of bridges, erecting hostelries, especially in desert places, and the like, whence the words, sælu-brú, soul’s bridge; sælu-hús, soul’s house.

2. in Icel. many sayings referring to the name of God are still household words, e. g. in entering a house, as a greeting, hér sé Guð, God be here! (from Luke x. 5): in returning thanks, Guðs ást, God’s love! Guð laun or Guð laun’ fyrir mig, God’s reward! Germ. vergelt’s Gott! or gefið þið í Guðs friði! to which the reply is, Guð blessi þig, God bless thee ! (which is also the answer to a greeting or to thanks); Guðs friði! or vertu í Guðs friði, be in God’s peace! is the usual farewell; and the answer is, Guð veri með þér, God be with thee! Guð hjálpi þér, God help thee! Germ. helf Gott! Engl. God bless you! (to one sneezing); Guð varðveiti þig, God ward thee! (to one playing with dangerous things); biddu Guð fyrir þér! (denoting wonder), pray God! gáðu að Guði, heed God! take heed! fyrir Guðs skuld, for God’s sake! ef Guð lofar, proncd. as one word (ef-guðlogar, changing f into g), God willing, a common phrase when speaking of plans for the future, eg skal koma á morgun, ef-guðlogar, I will come to-morrow, God willing (from James iv. 13–15), occurs in Skálda (Thorodd) 165, as also, ef Guð vill, if God will (less freq.); Guði sé lof, God be praised! Guð gæfi, God grant! Guðs mildi, by God’s grace; það var mesta Guðs mildi hann slasaði sig ekki; Guð gefi þér góðan dag, Guð gefi þér góðar nætr, whence abbreviated góðan dag, good day; góðar nætr, good night: the sayings, sá er ekki einn sem Guð er með; and þann má ekki kefja sem Guð vill hefja, Fb. iii. 408; eitthvað þeim til líknar legst, sem ljúfr Guð vill bjarga.

m. Norway, = Norvegr.

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m., gen. Noregs; a later Noregis also occurs in Laur. S.; ‘Nurviag’ on the Jellinge stone; [mod. Norse Norge, sounded Norre]:—Norway, passim; that the word was sounded Nóregr with a long vowel is seen from rhymes in Vellekla (10th century), Nóregr, fóru; as also Nóregs, stórum, Sighvat (in a poem of 1038 A. D.); the full form Norð-vegr (with ð and w) never occurs in vernacular writers, but only in the Latinised form, Northwagia, which was used by foreign writers (North Germans and Saxons); even the v (Nor-vegr) is hardly found in good vellums, and is never sounded. The etymology of the latter part = vegr is subject to no doubt, and the former part nór is prob. from norðr, qs. the north way; yet another derivation, from nór = a sea-loch, is possible, and is supported by the pronunciation and by the shape of the country, a strip of land between sea and mountains, with many winding fjords. The popular but false etymology of the ancients is from a king Nór (Orkn. ch. 12), as Rome from Romulus:—Noregs-höfðingi, -konungr, -menn, -ríki, -veldi, the ruler, king, men, kingdom of Norway, Grág. ii. 401, Fms. vii. 293, Bs. i. 720, Sturl. ii. 55, Nj. 8, Ísl. ii. 234, passim.

(pl. -ir), f. thousand.

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f.; sérhverja þúsund, Stj. 298; á þúsund (dat.), Sks. 705; tvær, þrjár … þúsundir, 623. 53: in mod. usage it is mostly neut. (influenced by Latin?), but also fem. It is spelt þús-hund, Barl. 53; þús-hundum, Fms. vi. 409 (v. l.), Geisli 49; another form þús-hundrað (q. v.) is freq., esp. in Stj., Barl.; this double form -hund and -hundrað answers to the equally double form of ‘hundred,’ see p. 292, and is a proof that þúsund is a compound word, the latter part of which is ‘hund’ or ‘hundred;’ the etymology of the former part ‘þús’ is less certain; it is, we believe, akin to þysja, þyss, þaus-nir (a lost strong verb þúsa, þaus, þusu); þúsund would thus literally mean a swarm of hundreds: [in Goth. the gender varies, þûsundi, pl. þusundjos = χίλιοι, or þusundja, neut.; A. S. þûsend; Engl. thousand; O. H. G. dusunta; Germ. tausend, qs. dausend; Swed. tusende and tusen; Dan. tusinde; Dutch tuysend: this word is also common to the Slavon. languages: again, the Lapp, duhat and Finn. tuhat are no doubt borrowed from the Slavon. or Scandin.; the Gr., Lat., and Sansk. use other words]—a thousand.

B. There is little doubt that with the ancient heathen Scandinavians (and perhaps all Teutons), before their contact with the civilised southern people, the notion of numbers was limited, and that their thousand was not a definite number, but a vague term, denoting a swarm, crowd, host (cp. the Gr. μυρίοι): in ancient lays it occurs thrice (Hkv., Em., Fas. i. 502), but indefinitely; hvat þrym er þar sem þúsund bifisk eðr mengi til mikit, what a din is there as if a thousand were shaking, or an over-mickle multitude, Em. 2; sjau þúsundir, Hkv. 1. 49, literally = seven thousands, but in fact meaning seven hosts of men.

2. the dat. pl. þúsundum is, like huudruðum, used adverbially = by thousands, in countless numbers, Fms. vi. 409 (in a verse), Geisli 49.

3. in the ancient popular literature, uninfluenced by southern writers, ‘þúsund,’ as a definite number, occurs, we think, not half-a-dozen times. As the multiple of ten duodecimal hundreds, ere the decimal hundred was adopted, ‘þnsund’ would mean twelve decimal hundreds; and such is its use in the Sverris Saga, Fms. viii. 40, where one vellum says ‘tvær þúsundir,’ whilst the others, by a more idiomatic phrase, call it ‘twenty hundreds.’

II. in ecclesiastical writers, and in annals influenced by the Latin and the like, it is frequent enough; tíu þúsundir, fjórtán þúsundir, Fms. i. 107, 108 (annalistic records); fimm þúsundir, xi. 386, Al. 111; tíu þúsundum, Sks. 705; tíu þúsundum sinna hundrað þúsunda, Hom.; þúsund þúsunda, a thousand of thousands, i. e. a million, (mod.); hundrað þúsundir rasta ok átta tigir þúsunda, … hundrað þúsund mílna, Fb. i. 31 (in the legend of Eric the Far-traveller and Paradise, taken from some church-legend); fjórar þúsundir, Þiðr. 234: or of the years of the world, sex þúsundir vetra, Fs. 197; sjau þúsundir vetra, Landn. 34.

C. REMARKS.—The popular way of counting high numbers was not by thousands, but by tens (decades) and duodecimal hundreds as factors; thus ten … twenty hundreds, and then going on three, four, five, six … tens of hundreds (a ‘ten of hundreds’ being = 1200). The following references may illustrate this—tíu hundruð, ellefu hundruð, tólf hundruð, þrettán hundruð, fimtán hundruð …, Íb. 17, Ó. H. 119, 201, Fms. vii. 295, xi. 383, 385. From twenty and upwards—tuttugu hundrað manna, twenty hundreds of men, Fms. vii. 324, viii. 40; hálfr þriðitugr hundraða skipa, two tens and a half hundreds of ships, i. e. twenty-five hundreds, Fas. i. 378; þrjá tigu hundraða manna, three tens of hundreds of men, Fms. viii. 311; var skorat manntal, hafði hann meirr enn þrjá tigu hundraða manna, vii. 204; þrír tigir hundraða, D. N. v. 18; user fjorir tigir hundraða manna, nearly four tens of hundreds of men, Fms. vii. 275; á fimta tigi hundraða, on the fifth ten of hundreds, i. e. from four to five tens of hundreds, viii. 321; sex tigir hundraða, six tens of hundreds, 311, xi. 390; sex tigu hundraða manna, Fb. ii. 518, D. I. i. 350,—all odd amounts being neglected. The highest number recorded as actually reckoned in this way is ‘six tens of hundreds’ (fimtán tigir hundraða, fifteen tens of hundreds, Fms. viii. 321, v. l., is a scribe’s error): it is probable that no reckoning exceeded twelve tens of hundreds. All high multiples were unintelligible to the ancients; the number of the Einherjar in Walhalla is in the old lay Gm. thus expressed,—there are ‘five hundred doors in Walhalla, and five tens beside (the ‘five tens’ are, by the way, merely added for alliteration’s sake), and eight hundred Einherjar will walk out of each door when they go out to fight the Wolf’ (on the Day of final Doom). There seems to have been some dim exaggerated notion of a definite thousand in an ancient lay, only preserved in a half alliterative prose paraphrase, Fas. i. 502, where a mythical host is given thus,—there were thirty-three phalanxes, each of five ‘thousand,’ each thousand of thirteen hundreds, each hundred four times counted. The armies in the battle of Brawalla, the greatest of the mythical age, are given, not in numbers, but by the space the ranks occupied, Skjöld. S. ch. 8. This resembles the story in Ó. H. ch. 59, of the two young brothers, king’s sons: when asked what they would like to have most of, the one said: ‘Cows.’ ‘And how many?’ ‘As many,’ said he, ‘as could stand packed in a row round the lake (Mjösen in Norway) and drink.’ ‘But you?’ they asked the other boy: ‘House-carles’ (soldiers), said he. ‘And how many?’ ‘As many,’ said he, ‘as would in one meal eat up all my brother’s cows.’ Add also the tale of the King and the Giant, and the number of the giant’s house-carles, Maurer’s Volksagen 306. No less elementary was the rule for division and fractions, of which a remarkable instance is preserved in an ancient Icelandic deed, called Spákonu-arfr, published in D. I. i. 305. See also the words tigr, hundrað, skor, skora, and the remarks in Gramm. p. xix. The Homeric numeration, as set forth in Mr. Gladstone’s Homeric Studies, vol. iii, p. 425 sqq., is highly interesting, and bears a striking resemblance to that of the ancient Scandinavians. We may notice that in Iceland land and property are still divided into hundreds (hundreds of ells = 120), see hundrað B; in this case a thousand is never used, but units and hundreds of hundreds as factors, thus, sex tögu hundraða, in Reykh. Máld, (a deed of the 12th century), and so still in mod. usage; a wealthy man of the 15th century is said to have bequeathed to his daughters in land, ‘tólf hundruð hundraða ok ellefu-tíu og tvau hundruð betr, en í lausafé fimm hundruð hundraða,’ i. e. twelve hundreds of hundreds and ‘eleventy’ and two hundreds, and in movables five hundreds of hundreds, Feðga-æfi 16 (by the learned Bogi Benidiktsson of Staðarfell in Iceland, A. D. 1771–1849); sjau hundruð hundraða og þrjátigi hundruð betr, 21; hann eptir-lét börnum sínum fjármuni upp á níu hundruð hundraða, 22,—a proof that in very remote times, when this valuation of land first took place, ‘thousand’ was still unknown as a definite number.