-
1 zadnje čase
-
2 kovček
case, suitcase -
3 prevleka
-
4 primer
case, example, instance -
5 tok
case, current, flow, stream -
6 tožba
-
7 vitrina
-
8 zaboj
case, trunk -
9 kaliti
I. kaliti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `temper, case-harden'Page in Trubačev: IX 123-124Russian:kalít' `heat, roast' [verb], kaljú [1sg], kalít [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:káliti `temper, case-harden' [verb];Čak. kālȉt `temper, harden (iron)' [verb], kãli [3sg]Slovene:kalíti `temper, case-harden' [verb], kalím [1sg]Bulgarian:kaljá `temper, case-harden' [verb]Other cognates:Lat. callum `callous' [n];II. kaliti II Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `soil'Page in Trubačev: IX 123-124Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:kalić `soil, trouble' [verb]Slovincian:kȧ̃lăc `soil' [verb]Slovene:kalíti `trouble' [verb], kalím [1sg] -
10 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
11 dyra
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
12 dyr'a
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
13 esetь
esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]Belorussian:(v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]Ukrainian:ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]Polish:jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-Lithuanian:akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:aketes `harrow'Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-IE meaning: harrowPage in Pokorny: 18Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.Other cognates:Fi. äës `harrow'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas. -
14 ěždžь
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
15 ěždžikъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
16 ězgarъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
17 ězgarь
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
18 ěskarъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
19 korbī
korbī Grammatical information: f. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `basket'Page in Trubačev: XI 55-56Old Church Slavic:Russian:kórob'ja (dial.) `box or case for storing clothes' [f iā];kórob'ja (dial.) `box or case for storing clothes' [f iā]Old Russian:Polish:Lithuanian:kar̃bas `basket' [m o]Other cognates: -
20 spominjati
напоминать кому что (= о чём)spominjati se - помнить, вспоминатьspominjam se - я помню, мне помнится
См. также в других словарях:
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