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  • 1 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 2 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

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  • 3 medojědъ

    medojědъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55
    Russian:
    medoéd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Czech:
    medojed (Jungmann) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȅdojēd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]
    Slovene:
    medojẹ̀d `honey-eater, honey-lover' [m o], medojẹ́da [Gens]
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Comments: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvědь.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

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  • 4 mъldni

    mъldni Grammatical information: f. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `lightning'
    Page in Trubačev: XX 220-222
    Old Church Slavic:
    mlъni (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) `lightning' [f iā];
    mlъnii (Mar., Ass, Supr.) `lightning' [f iā] \{1\}
    Russian:
    mólnija `lightning' [f jā];
    molón'ja (dial.) `lightning' [f iā];
    molodnjá (dial.) `lightning' [f jā];
    meleńjá (dial.) `lightning' [f jā]
    Ukrainian:
    maladnjá (dial.) `lightning without thunder' [f jā]
    Czech:
    mlna (arch.) `lightning' [f ā]
    Polish:
    meɫnia (dial.) `lightning' [f jā] \{2\}
    Slovincian:
    mou̯ɫnȧ́u̯ `lightning' [f jā]
    Polabian:
    mḁuńa `lightning' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    múnja `lightning' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    móɫnja `lightning' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    mắlnija `lightning' [f iā]
    Latvian:
    milna `hammer of the thunderer' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    mealde `lightning'
    Indo-European reconstruction: mldʰ-n-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. mjǫllnir `Thor's hammer'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The variant mlъ- is more frequent than mlь-. \{2\} Probably only in Pomoranian.

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  • 5 mьstь

    mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьstь `vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence' [f i]
    Russian:
    mestь `vengeance, revenge' [f i];
    msta (dial.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    msta (poet.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Czech:
    msta `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mstva `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Polish:
    msta (16th-17th. c.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]
    Page in Pokorny: 715
    Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. missa `loss, damage' [f]

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  • 6 mьsta

    mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьstь `vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence' [f i]
    Russian:
    mestь `vengeance, revenge' [f i];
    msta (dial.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    msta (poet.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Czech:
    msta `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mstva `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Polish:
    msta (16th-17th. c.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]
    Page in Pokorny: 715
    Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. missa `loss, damage' [f]

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  • 7 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

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