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law+position

  • 1 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 2 glistъ

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glistъ

  • 3 glīstà

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glīstà

  • 4 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

  • 5 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 6 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 7 orlьja

    orlьja Grammatical information: f. iā Proto-Slavic meaning: `field, arable land'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 177-179
    Old Russian:
    rolija `(corn-)field, ploughed field' [f jā];
    rolja `(corn-)field, ploughed field' [f jā]
    Ukrainian:
    rilljá `ploughed field' [f jā]
    Czech:
    role `field, arable land' [f jā];
    rolí (S. dial.) `field, arable land' [n io]
    Old Czech:
    rolí `field, arable land' [f iā]
    Slovak:
    rol'a `field, arable land' [f jā]
    Polish:
    rola `field, arable land' [f jā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    rola `field, arable land' [f jā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂e/orh₃-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 62
    Comments: I assume that the root-final laryngeal had been lost in pretonic position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress. Note that in forms such as *ràdlo AP (a) originates from Hirt's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > orlьja

  • 8 sǫdì

    sǫdì Grammatical information: m. ī Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `judge'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sǫdi (Zogr., Mar., Cloz., Sav., Supr., Ps. Sin.) `judge' [m iā];
    sǫdii (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Supr.) `judge' [m iā]
    Russian:
    sud'já `judge' [m iā]
    Ukrainian:
    suddjá `judge' [m iā]
    Polish:
    sędzia `judge' [m jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sùdija `judge' [m iā]
    Slovene:
    sǫ́dij `judge' [m io];
    sǫ́dja `judge' [m iā]
    Bulgarian:
    sădijá `judge' [m iā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: som-dʰh₁-ih₁
    Comments: Forms such as Ru. sud'jà reflect *sǫdьjà < *sǫdь̀ja. The prefix was already in pretonic position before the operation of Dybo's law and is therefore reflected as a short vowel.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sǫdì

  • 9 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

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