available+figures

1 sale.

de venta en… on sale at…

estar en venta to be for sale

poner a la venta to put up for sale; (casa) to put on sale (producto)

venta ambulante street vending

venta por catálogo mail-order selling

venta al contado cash sale

venta por correo o por correspondencia mail-order selling

venta a crédito credit sale

venta directa direct selling

venta a domicilio door-to-door selling

venta al por mayor wholesale

venta al por menor retail

venta a plazos sale by installments, hire purchase (British)

venta pública public auction

2 sales.

han aumentado/caído las ventas sales have risen/fallen

3 country inn (posada).

* * *

► nombre femenino

1 (acción) sale, selling

2 (hostal) country inn; (restaurante) restaurant

\

'En venta' "For sale"

'Venta de pisos' "Flats for sale"

estar a la venta to be on sale

poner a la venta (gen) to put on sale 2 (casa) to put up for sale

contrato de venta bill of sale

departamento de ventas sales department

precio de venta selling price

precio de venta al público retail price

venta a domicilio door-to-door selling

venta a plazos hire purchase, US instalment plan

venta al contado cash sale

venta al por mayor /venta al por menor wholesale / retail

venta postbalance clearance sale, US post-inventory sale

venta por correo mail order

* * *

* * *

1) (Com) sale

2) † (=posada) country inn

3) (Caribe, Méx) (=tienda) small shop, stall

* * *

1) (Com) sale

- venta al contado

- venta al por mayor/menor

- venta a plazos

- venta de garaje

- venta piramidal

- venta por catálogo or correo

2) ( posada) (arc) inn, hostelry (arch)

* * *

1) (Com) sale

- venta al contado

- venta al por mayor/menor

- venta a plazos

- venta de garaje

- venta piramidal

- venta por catálogo or correo

2) ( posada) (arc) inn, hostelry (arch)

* * *

venta¹

¹ = country inn.

venta²

² = sale, selling, brokering, merchandising, dispensation, trafficking, traffic.

* * *

A ( Com) sale

cobra un porcentaje sobre las ventas he earns a percentage on his sales o on each sale

departamento/gerente de ventas sales department/manager

las ventas han mermado este año sales have declined o dropped this year

trabaja en ventas she works in sales o in the sales department

se dedica a la compra y venta de coches usados he's in the used car business

[ S ] exposición y ventas: Goya 13 visit our showrooms at Goya 13

[ S ] muestra gratis, prohibida su venta free sample, not for sale

[ S ] prohibida la venta ambulante no hawkers

[ S ] venta anticipada de localidades advance ticket sales

el libro saldrá a la venta la próxima semana the book will be on sale next week

de venta en kioscos on sale at newsstands

la casa está en venta the house is (up) for sale o is on the market

el coche está en venta the car is for sale

cash sale

wholesale

retail

installment plan ( AmE), hire purchase ( BrE)

sale of assets

auto sales ( AmE), car sales ( BrE)

ticket sales

garage sale

vehicle sales

house o property sales

cold selling, cold calling

pyramid selling

mail order

mail order

B (bar, restaurante) roadside bar/restaurant; (posada) ( arc) inn, hostelry ( arch)

* * *

◊ venta al contado cash sale;

* * *

venta nf

1. [acción] sale;

de venta en tiendas especializadas on sale in specialist shops o at specialist retailers;

estar en venta to be for sale;

poner a la venta [casa] to put up for sale;

salir a la venta [producto] to go on sale;

el equipo de ventas the sales team

venta automatizada vending-machine sale;

venta por catálogo mail-order selling;

venta al contado cash sale;

venta por correo mail-order selling;

venta por correspondencia mail-order selling;

venta a crédito credit sale;

venta directa direct selling;

venta a domicilio door-to-door selling;

venta en línea on-line selling;

venta al por mayor wholesale;

venta al por menor retail;

ventas nacionales domestic sales;

venta on-line on-line selling;

venta piramidal pyramid selling;

venta sobre plano sale of customized goods;

venta a plazos sale by instalments, Br hire purchase;

venta pública public auction;

venta telefónica telephone sales

2. [cantidad] sales;

la venta de hoy ha sido importante sales have been strong today;

han aumentado/caído las ventas sales have risen/fallen;

una novela que arrasa en ventas a novel with phenomenal sales

3. [posada] country inn

4.

5. Chile [puesto en fiestas] refreshment stand

* * *

f sale;

en venta for sale;

estar/poner a la venta be/put on sale

* * *

venta nf

1) : sale

venta al por menor or

venta al detalle : retail sales

* * *

venta n sale

SUBJECT AREA: Land transport

[br]

[br]

[br]

An engineer and agriculturalist who had to travel long distances over rough country, he evolved an improved design of velocipede. The original device appears to have been first shown in the gardens of the Palais Royal by the comte de Sivrac in 1791, a small wooden "horse" fitted with two wheels and propelled by the rider's legs thrusting alternately against the ground. It was not possible to turn the front wheel to steer the machine, a small variation from the straight being obtained by the rider leaning sideways. It is not known if de Sivrac was the inventor of the machine: it is likely that it had been in existence, probably as a child's toy, for a number of years. Its original name was the celerifière, but it was renamed the velocifère in 1793. The Baron's Draisienne was an improvement on this primitive machine; it had a triangulated wooden frame, an upholstered seat, a rear luggage seat and an armrest which took the thrust of the rider as he or she pushed against the ground. Furthermore, it was steerable. In some models there was a cordoperated brake and a prop stand, and the seat height could be adjusted. At least one machine was fitted with a milometer. Drais began limited manufacture and launched a long marketing and patenting campaign, part of which involved sending advertising letters to leading figures, including a number of kings.

The Draisienne was first shown in public in April 1817: a ladies' version became available in 1819. Von Drais took out a patent in Baden on 12 January 1818 and followed with a French patent on 17 February. Three-and four-wheeled versions became available so the two men could take the ladies for a jaunt.

Drais left his agricultural and forestry work and devoted his full time to the "Running Machine" business. Soon copies were being made and sold in Italy, Germany and Austria. In London, a Denis Johnson took out a patent in December 1818 for a "pedestrian curricle" which was soon nicknamed the dandy horse.

[br]

¹ = tally [tallies, pl.], total, count, grand total.

Ex. As the various parts of the record are entered, the document summary indicates the additions by the tallies opposite the record parts.

Ex. Someone must read a total on the card, so that the machine can add its computed item to it.

Ex. Not much data beyond loan counts was available and re-keying and remanipulations were frequently needed to make the information useful.

Ex. The grand total of 4,300 exhibitors was 4 per cent up on 1996.

----

* de un total de + Cantidad = out of a total of + Cantidad.

* el total de = the total sum of, the sum total of.

* total comprometida = encumbrance.

* total comprometido = accrual.

* total de calorías = calorie count.

* total de préstamos = circulation figures.

* total devengado = encumbrance, accrual.

* un total de = a universe of, a total of.

² = sale, selling, brokering, merchandising, dispensation, trafficking, traffic.

Ex. The BCA hopes that the sales of the schedules will go most of the way towards making the scheme self-sufficient.

Ex. SALESPEOPLE AND selling and FIRE FIGHTERS would be specific, and the user would not have to intuit that these headings, perhaps, covered the activities of women as well as men.

Ex. One of the company's services is the brokering of on-line data base searches.

Ex. Another main trend emerging is merchandising, where the public library is set up in a similar way to a retail store with items on sale.

Ex. The article is entitled 'THERIAQUE: quality information on drugs, essential for their optimal use, prescription and dispensation' = El artículo se titula "THERIAQUE: información de calidad sobre los fármacos, esencial para su uso, prescripción y venta óptimos'.

Ex. The author calls for state and federal laws to make the trafficking in fraudulently obtained subscriber IDs and Passwords.

Ex. She wrote for the daily press on the manners and morals of society, on the plight of London's working women and children, and on the international traffic in women.

----

* agencia de venta de billetes = ticket agent, ticket agency.

* agencia de venta de entradas = ticket agent, ticket agency.

* a la venta = on release.

* anuncio de compra-venta = classified ad, classified advertisement.

* argumento de venta = sales pitch, product pitch.

* aumentar las ventas = boost + sales.

* catálogo de libros en venta = publication(s) list.

* compra-venta de coches = auto dealer.

* condiciones de venta = terms of sale.

* con millones de ventas = megaselling.

* de gran venta = high selling.

* de más ventas = best selling [bestselling/best-selling], top-selling.

* departamento de ventas = sales team, sales department.

* de un gran éxito de ventas = best selling [bestselling/best-selling], top-selling.

* de venta al detalle = retail.

* de venta al por menor = retail.

* de venta en el mercado = commercially available.

* de venta regular = steady-selling.

* empresa dedicada a la venta por correo = mail order company.

* encargado de ventas = sales manager.

* en venta = for sale, in print, priced, on release, on sale.

* estafa de la venta en cadena = pyramid scam.

* estar en venta = be up for sale.

* estrategia de ventas = sales strategy.

* fijación de precio de venta = pricing.

* gerente de ventas = sales manager.

* impuesto de ventas = sales tax.

* impuesto sobre las ventas = sales tax.

* ingresos de ventas = sales revenue.

* librero de venta al detalle = retail bookseller.

* libro de mayor venta = bestseller [best seller/best-seller].

* Libros Británicos en Rústica en Venta = Paperbacks in Print.

* Libros Británicos en Venta = British Books in Print.

* libros en venta = books in print.

* línea de ventas = line.

* lugar en el mercado de venta = market niche.

* negocio de venta de coches usados = used car business.

* objetivo de ventas = sales target.

* perder una venta = lose + sale.

* perder ventas = lose + sales.

* poner en venta = put on + sale.

* postventa = postpurchase.

* precio de venta al público = cover price, list price, listed price.

* precio de venta al público (P.V.P.) = retail price.

* promoción de ventas = sales promotion.

* punto de venta = outlet, point of sale.

* red de ventas = sales network.

* representante de ventas = sales rep, sales representative.

* responsable de ventas = sales manager.

* rollo de venta = sales pitch, product pitch.

* sala de exposición y venta = show room [showroom].

* salón de exposición y ventas = salesroom [saleroom].

* venta agresiva = hard-sell.

* venta al contado = cash sale.

* venta al detalle = retailing, retail trade.

* venta al por mayor = wholesaling, wholesale.

* venta al por menor = retailing, retail trade.

* venta a un precio más barato = undercutting.

* venta de armas = arms sale.

* venta de coches = car sales.

* venta de entradas = ticketing.

* venta de libros = bookselling [book selling].

* venta de material impreso = print sale.

* venta de productos comestibles = grocery marketing.

* venta de tickets = ticketing.

* venta de viviendas = home sale.

* venta directa = direct sale, direct marketing, direct selling.

* venta directa al público = sale + over the counter.

* venta para consumo dentro del establecimiento = on-trade sale.

* venta para consumo fuera del establecimiento = off-trade sale.

* ventas = sales figures, market share, takings.

* ventas al detalle = retail sales.

* ventas al por menor = retail sales.

* ventas + dispararse = sales + shoot up.

* ventas, las = bottom line, the.

* venta típica = country inn.

* volumen de ventas = turnover, stock turnover, turnover of stock.

1 total (completo) (cifra, coste).

2 fab (informal) (fantastic).

basically, in a word.

total que me marché so anyway, I left

total, ¿qué más da? what difference does it make anyway?

in short.

Total,nadie acudió a su trabajo! In short, nobody came to work!

1 total (suma).

me da un total de 580 libras I make it »580

2 whole (totalidad, conjunto).

el total del grupo the whole group

nos costó 200 dólares en total it cost us 200 dollars in total o all

en total fuimos más de treinta personas in total there were more than thirty of us

* * *

► adjetivo

1 total, complete, overall

■ la imprenta supuso una revolución total printing brought about a complete revolution

■ anestesia total general anaesthetic

► nombre masculino

1 (totalidad) whole

■ el total de la población the whole population

2 (suma) total, sum

► adverbio

1 (en conclusión) in short, so

■ total, fue un fracaso in short, it was a failure

■ total, que se fueron porque quisieron they left because they wanted to

2 (al fin y al cabo) after all

■ total, para lo que me sirve... after all, for all the good it is to me...

\

en total in all

* * *

* * *

1. ADJ

1) (=absoluto) [éxito, fracaso] total

2) (=global) [importe, suma] total

3) * (=excelente) smashing, brilliant

2. ADV

1) (=resumiendo) in short, all in all; (=así que) so

2) (=al fin y al cabo) at the end of the day

SM (=suma total) total; (=totalidad) whole

* * *

a) ( absoluto) <desastre/destrucción> total; < éxito> resounding, total

b) ( global) <costo/importe> total

masculino total

adverbio (indep) (fam)

a) ( al resumir una narración) so, in the end

b) (expresando indiferencia, poca importancia)

* * *

a) ( absoluto) <desastre/destrucción> total; < éxito> resounding, total

b) ( global) <costo/importe> total

masculino total

adverbio (indep) (fam)

a) ( al resumir una narración) so, in the end

b) (expresando indiferencia, poca importancia)

* * *

total¹

¹ = tally [tallies, pl.], total, count, grand total.

total²

² = complete, full [fuller -comp., fullest -sup.], thorough, total, end to end, supine, unrelieved, utter, gavel to gavel, systemic, overarching, ultimate, avowed, out-and-out, certified, unmitigaged, fully blown, unreserved.

* * *

1 (absoluto) ‹desastre/destrucción› total; ‹éxito› resounding ( before n), total

la película fue un fracaso total the film was a total o an utter failure

un cambio total a complete change

2 (global) ‹coste/importe› total

total

¿cuánto es el total? what's the total?, what does it all come to?, how much is it altogether?

el total de las pérdidas/ganancias the total losses/profits

el total asciende a $40.000 the total amounts to o comes to o is $40,000

afecta a un total de 600 personas it affects a total of 600 people

en total altogether

son 5 euros en total that's 5 euros altogether

( indep) ( fam)

1 (al resumir una narración) so, in the end

total, que me di por vencida so in the end I gave up

(expresando indiferencia, poca importancia): ¿por qué no te quedas? total, mañana no tienes que trabajar why not stay? I mean o after all, you don't have to go to work tomorrow

* * *

a) ( absoluto) ‹desastre/destrucción› total;

b) ( global) ‹costo/importe› total

◊ en total altogether

* * *

♦ adj

1. [cifra, coste, gasto] total;

el importe total de las inversiones the total amount of the investments

2. [confianza, rechazo, ruptura] total, complete;

actúa con total libertad she acts completely freely, she has complete freedom of action;

su influencia en ellos es total he has overwhelming influence over them

3. Fam [fantástico] fab, Br brill

♦ nm

1. [suma] total;

el total de visitantes del museo alcanzó los tres millones the total number of visitors to the museum reached three million;

me da un total de 580 I make it 580

total de ventas total sales

2. [totalidad, conjunto] whole;

el total del grupo the whole group;

en total in total, in all;

nos costó 200 dólares en total it cost us 200 dollars in total o all;

en total fuimos más de treinta personas in total there were more than thirty of us

♦ adv

1. [en resumen] basically, in a word;

total, que me marché so anyway, I left;

total, que te has quedado sin trabajo, ¿no? basically, you're out of a job, then?

2. [en realidad] anyway;

total, ¿qué más da? what difference does it make anyway?;

llévatelo, total ¿para qué lo quiero yo? take it, what good is it to me, after all?

* * *

I adj total, complete;

en total altogether, in total

II m total;

un total de 50 personas a total of 50 people

III adv

total, que no conseguí estudiar the upshot was that I didn’t manage to get any studying done

* * *

total adv

: in the end, so

total, que no fui: in short, I didn't go

total adj & nm

: total

♦ totalmente adv

* * *

total¹ adj total / complete

total² adv so

total³ n total

1. ( сведения) data, facts; information sg.

2. (свойства, способности) qualities; makings; potentialities

3. ( основания) grounds

мн. ч.; скл. как прил.

1) ( сведения)

2) (свойства, способности)

3) ( основания)

•

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

the return a security or a portfolio would be expected to earn if the market’s rate of return were zero. Alpha expresses the difference between the return expected from a stock or unit trust, given its beta rating, and the return actually produced. A stock or trust that returns more than its beta would predict has a positive alpha, while one that returns less than the amount predicted by beta has a negative alpha. A large positive alpha indicates a strong performance, while a large negative alpha indicates a dismal performance.

     To begin with, the market itself is assigned a beta of 1.0. If a stock or trust has a beta of 1.2, this means its price is likely to rise or fall by 12% when the overall market rises or falls by 10%; a beta of 7.0 means the stock or trust price is likely to move up or down at 70% of the level of the market change.

     In practice, an alpha of 0.4 means the stock or trust in question outperformed the market-based return estimate by 0.4%. An alpha of –0.6 means the return was 0.6% less than would have been predicted from the change in the market alone.

     Both alpha and beta should be readily available upon request from investment firms, because the figures appear in standard performance reports. It is always best to ask for them, because calculating a stock’s alpha rating requires first knowing a stock’s beta rating, and beta calculations can involve mathematical complexities.

See also beta rating

a means of measuring the volatility (or risk) of a stock or fund in comparison with the market as a whole.

     The beta of a stock or fund can be of any value, positive or negative, but usually is between +0.25 and +1.75. Stocks of many utilities have a beta of less than 1. Conversely, most high-tech NASDAQ-based stocks have a beta greater than 1; they offer a higher rate of return but are also risky.

     Both alpha and beta ratings should be readily available upon request from investment firms, because the figures appear in standard performance reports. It is always best to ask for them, because beta calculations can involve mathematical complexities.

See also alpha rating

SUBJECT AREA: Photography, film and optics

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He was born Edward Muggeridge, but later changed his name, taking the Saxon spelling of his first name and altering his surname, first to Muygridge and then to Muybridge. He emigrated to America in 1851, working in New York in bookbinding and selling as a commission agent for the London Printing and Publishing Company. Through contact with a New York daguerreotypist, Silas T.Selleck, he acquired an interest in photography that developed after his move to California in 1855. On a visit to England in 1860 he learned the wet-collodion process from a friend, Arthur Brown, and acquired the best photographic equipment available in London before returning to America. In 1867, under his trade pseudonym "Helios", he set out to record the scenery of the Far West with his mobile dark-room, christened "The Flying Studio".

His reputation as a photographer of the first rank spread, and he was commissioned to record the survey visit of Major-General Henry W.Halleck to Alaska and also to record the territory through which the Central Pacific Railroad was being constructed. Perhaps because of this latter project, he was approached by the President of the Central Pacific, Leland Stanford, to attempt to photograph a horse trotting at speed. There was a long-standing controversy among racing men as to whether a trotting horse had all four hooves off the ground at any point; Stanford felt that it did, and hoped than an "instantaneous" photograph would settle the matter once and for all. In May 1872 Muybridge photographed the horse "Occident", but without any great success because the current wet-collodion process normally required many seconds, even in a good light, for a good result. In April 1873 he managed to produce some better negatives, in which a recognizable silhouette of the horse showed all four feet above the ground at the same time.

Soon after, Muybridge left his young wife, Flora, in San Francisco to go with the army sent to put down the revolt of the Modoc Indians. While he was busy photographing the scenery and the combatants, his wife had an affair with a Major Harry Larkyns. On his return, finding his wife pregnant, he had several confrontations with Larkyns, which culminated in his shooting him dead. At his trial for murder, in February 1875, Muybridge was acquitted by the jury on the grounds of justifiable homicide; he left soon after on a long trip to South America.

He again took up his photographic work when he returned to North America and Stanford asked him to take up the action-photography project once more. Using a new shutter design he had developed while on his trip south, and which would operate in as little as 1/1,000 of a second, he obtained more detailed pictures of "Occident" in July 1877. He then devised a new scheme, which Stanford sponsored at his farm at Palo Alto. A 50 ft (15 m) long shed was constructed, containing twelve cameras side by side, and a white background marked off with vertical, numbered lines was set up. Each camera was fitted with Muybridge's highspeed shutter, which was released by an electromagnetic catch. Thin threads stretched across the track were broken by the horse as it moved along, closing spring electrical contacts which released each shutter in turn. Thus, in about half a second, twelve photographs were obtained that showed all the phases of the movement.

Although the pictures were still little more than silhouettes, they were very sharp, and sequences published in scientific and photographic journals throughout the world excited considerable attention. By replacing the threads with an electrical commutator device, which allowed the release of the shutters at precise intervals, Muybridge was able to take series of actions by other animals and humans. From 1880 he lectured in America and Europe, projecting his results in motion on the screen with his Zoopraxiscope projector. In August 1883 he received a grant of $40,000 from the University of Pennsylvania to carry on his work there. Using the vastly improved gelatine dry-plate process and new, improved multiple-camera apparatus, during 1884 and 1885 he produced over 100,000 photographs, of which 20,000 were reproduced in Animal Locomotion in 1887. The subjects were animals of all kinds, and human figures, mostly nude, in a wide range of activities. The quality of the photographs was extremely good, and the publication attracted considerable attention and praise.

Muybridge returned to England in 1894; his last publications were Animals in Motion (1899) and The Human Figure in Motion (1901). His influence on the world of art was enormous, over-turning the conventional representations of action hitherto used by artists. His work in pioneering the use of sequence photography led to the science of chronophotography developed by Marey and others, and stimulated many inventors, notably Thomas Edison to work which led to the introduction of cinematography in the 1890s.

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δικαιοσύνη, ης, ἡ (s. δίκαιος; Theognis, Hdt.+) gener. the quality of being upright. Theognis 1, 147 defines δ. as the sum of all ἀρετή; acc. to Demosth. (20, 165) it is the opp. of κακία. A strict classification of δ. in the NT is complicated by freq. interplay of abstract and concrete aspects drawn from OT and Gr-Rom. cultures, in which a sense of equitableness combines with awareness of responsibility within a social context.

① the quality, state, or practice of judicial responsibility w. focus on fairness, justice, equitableness, fairness

ⓐ of human beings (a common theme in honorary ins, e.g. IPriene 71, 14f; 22f of a judge named Alexis; Danker, Benefactor 346–48; cp. Aristot., EN 5, 1, 8, 1129a τὸ μὲν δίκαιον ἄρα τὸ νόμιμον καὶ τὸ ἴσον ‘uprightness consists of that which is lawful and fair’; Ath. 34:2 ἔστι δὲ δ. ἴσα ἴσοις ἀμείβειν ‘uprightness means to answer like with like’; for association of δ. with judgment s. also Diog. L. 3, 79; in contexts of praise δ. suggests authority involving juridical responsibility FX 7, ’81, 255 n. 229) δ. κρίσεως ἀρχὴ καὶ τέλος uprightness is the beginning and end of judgment B 1:6. Melchizedek as βασιλεὺς δικαιοσύνης Hb 7:2. ἐργάζεσθαι δικαιοσύνην administer justice Hb 11:33; κρίνειν ἐν δ. (Ps 71:2f; 95:13; Sir 45:26; PsSol 8:24) judge justly Ac 17:31, cp. Mk 16:14 v.l. (Freer ms. line 5 in N. app.); Ro 9:28 v.l. (Is 10:22). ποιεῖν κρίμα καὶ δ. practice justice and uprightness 1 Cl 13:1 (Jer 9:23). καθιστάναι τοὺς ἐπισκοπούς ἐν δ. appoint overseers in uprightness= who will serve justly 1 Cl 42:5 (Is 60:17). David rejoices in God’s δ. 1 Cl 18:15 (Ps 50:16; s. ἀγαλλιάω, end).

ⓑ of transcendent figures (Pla. τὴν δ. θεοῦ νόμον ὑπελάμβανεν ‘considered divine justice [i.e. apportionment of reward or retribution in accordance with behavior] a principle’ or ‘system’ that served as a deterrent of crime Diog. L. 3, 79). Of an apocalyptic horseman ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ κρινεῖ Rv 19:11.

② quality or state of juridical correctness with focus on redemptive action, righteousness. Equitableness is esp. associated w. God (cp. Paradoxogr. Vat. 43 Keller αἰτεῖται παρὰ τ. θεῶν οὐδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν δικαιοσύνης), and in our lit. freq. in connection w. exercise of executive privilege in conferring a benefit. Hence God’s δ. can be the opposite of condemnation 2 Cor 3:9 (s. below); in it God is revealed as judge Rom 3:5—in contrast to human wrath, which beclouds judgment—displaying judicial integrity 3:25 (on this pass. s. also below). Cp. ἐκάλεσά σε ἐν δ. B 14:7 (Is 42:6). Also of equitable privilege allotted by God 2 Pt 1:1.—In Pauline thought the intimate association of God’s interest in retaining a reputation for justice that rewards goodness and requites evil, while at the same time working out a plan of salvation for all humanity, complicates classification of his use of δικαιοσύνη. On the one hand, God’s δ. is pardoning action, and on the other a way of sharing God’s character with believers, who then exhibit righteousness in the moral sense. God achieves this objective through exercise of executive privilege in dispensing justice equitably without reference to νόμος by making salvation available to all humanity (which shares a common problem of liability to wrath by being unanimously in revolt against God Ro 3:9–18, 23) through faith in God’s action in Jesus Christ. The genitival constr. δ. θεοῦ accents the uniqueness of this δ.: Ro 1:17; 3:21f, 25, 26 (s. these pass. also below; Reumann, 3c end); 10:3, and δ. alone 5:21; 9:30 (3 times); 2 Cor 3:9 (opp. κατάκρισις; cp. Dg 9:3; 5). 2 Cor 5:21 may belong here if δ. is viewed as abstract for concrete=δικαιωθέντες (but s. below). All these refer to righteousness bestowed by God cp. ἡ δωρεὰ τῆς δ. Ro 5:17, also 1 Cor 1:30 (sim. 1QS 11, 9–15; 1QH 4, 30–37). In this area it closely approximates salvation (cp. Is 46:13; 51:5 and s. NSnaith, Distinctive Ideas of the OT ’46, 207–22, esp. 218–22; EKäsemann, ZTK 58, ’61, 367–78 [against him RBultmann, JBL 83, ’64, 12–16]). According to some interpreters hunger and thirst for uprightness Mt 5:6 perh. offers (but s. 3a below) a related eschatological sense (‘Kingdom of God’, FNötscher, Biblica 31, ’50, 237–41=Vom A zum NT, ’62, 226–30).—Keeping the law cannot bring about uprightness Ro 3:21; Gal 2:21; 3:21, because δ. ἐκ τοῦ νόμου uprightness based on the law Ro 10:5 (cp. 9:30f), as ἰδία δ. one’s own (self-made) upr. 10:3, is impossible. God’s δ. without ref. to νόμος is to be apprehended by faith Ro 1:17; 3:22, 26; 4:3ff, 13; 9:30; 10:4, 6, 10 (cp. Hb 11:7 ἡ κατὰ πίστιν δ. righteousness based on faith; s. B-D-F §224, 1), for which reason faith is ‘calculated as righteousness’ (Gen 15:6; Ps 105:31; 1 Macc 2:52) Ro 4:3, 5f, 9, 11, 13, 22; Gal 3:6 (cp. Hb 11:7; Js 2:23; AMeyer, D. Rätsel des Jk 1930, 86ff; 1 Cl 10:6; B 13:7). Of Jesus as our righteousness 1 Cor 1:30.—As gift and power Ro 5:17, 21, and because it is intimately associated with the δύναμις of Christ’s resurrection Phil 3:9f (s. below), this righteousness enables the redeemed to respond and serve God faithfully Ro 6:13 (in wordplay opp. of ἀδικία), 16, 18ff; cp. 1 Cor 1:30 of Christ as instrument of God’s gift of δ.; 2 Cor 3:9. Thus God’s δ. functions as δύναμις 6:7 within Christians 5:21 (i.e. the way God acts in justifying or restoring people to a relationship with God’s self serves as a model for Christian interaction; for a difft. view, s. above) through the Spirit (Ro 8:9) and assures them they will have life that will be fully realized at the end of the age Ro 8:10f; for the time being it is a matter of hope ἐλπὶς δικαιοσύνης Gal 5:5 (cp. Is 51:5); cp. ἡ ἐκ θεοῦ δ. Phil 3:9. Pol 8:1 shares Paul’s view: Christ as ἀρραβὼν τῆς δ.—God’s uprightness as gift τοῦ κυρίου τοῦ ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς στάξαντος τὴν δ. who distills uprightness on you Hv 3, 9, 1.—Such perspectives offer a transition to specific ways in which the redeemed express uprightness.

③ the quality or characteristic of upright behavior, uprightness, righteousness

ⓐ of uprightness in general: Mt 5:6 (cp. 6:33; some interpret 5:6 in an eschatological sense, s. 2 above; on desire for δ. cp. ἐπιθυμία τῆς δ. Hm 12, 2, 4); Mt 5:10, 20 (s. b, below); Hm 10, 1, 5; Dg 10:8; λόγος δικαιοσύνης Hb 5:13; Pol 9:1 (s. also Epict., Fgm. Stob. 26; when a man is excited by the λόγος in meetings, he should give expression to τὰ τῆς δικαιοσύνης λόγια). πάσχειν διὰ δ. 1 Pt 3:14. ἄγγελος τῆς δ. Hm 6, 2, 1; 3; 8; 10. ῥήματα δ. 8:9. 10, 1, 5; Dg 10:8; Pol 2:3; 3:1; ἐντολὴ δ. commandment of upr. Pol 3:3; 9:1.—Mt 6:33 of the kind of δ. God expects (on δ. as characteristic required by God acc. to Jewish perspective s. Bousset, Rel.³ 387ff; 379ff; 423; cp. KFahlgren, Sẹdāḳā, nahestehende u. entgegengesetzte Begriffe im Alten Testament, diss. Uppsala ’32.—S. Diog. L. 3, 83 on Plato’s view of δικαιοσύνη περὶ θεούς or δ. πρὸς τοὺς θεούς=performance of prescribed duties toward gods; s. also ref. to 3, 79 at 1b above). Christ’s δ. Dg 9:3, 5. διαλέγεσθαι περὶ δ. Ac 24:25. Opp. ἀδικία (Hippol., Ref. 4, 43, 12; Did., Gen. 20, 27) 2 Cl 19:2; Dg 9:1. As ἀρετή Hm 1:2; Hs 6, 1, 4; 8, 10, 3. Opp. ἀνομία 2 Cor 6:14; cp. 2 Cor. 11:15 (ironical); Hb 1:9 (Ps 44:8); ἁμαρτία, which is the dominating power before δ. θεοῦ comes into play Ro 6:16, 18–20; cp. 1 Pt 2:24. ἐργάζεσθαι δ. (Ps 14:2) do what is right Ac 10:35; accomplish righteousness Js 1:20 (W-S. §30, 7g); Hv 2, 2, 7; 2, 3, 3; m 5, 1, 1; 12, 3, 1; 12, 6, 2; Hs 9, 13, 7. Also ἔργον δικαιοσύνης ἐργάζεσθαι 1 Cl 33:8. Opp. οὐδὲν ἐργάζεσθαι τῇ δ. Hs 5, 1, 4; ποιεῖν (τὴν) δ. (2 Km 8:15; Ps 105:3; Is 56:1; 58:2; 1 Macc 14:35 al.) do what is right 1J 2:29; 3:7, 10; Rv 22:11; 2 Cl 4:2; 11:7. Also πράσσειν τὴν δ. 2 Cl 19:3; διώκειν τὴν δ. (cp. Sir 27:8 διώκ. τὸ δίκαιον) seek to attain/achieve upr. Ro 9:30; 1 Ti 6:11; 2 Ti 2:22; 2 Cl 18:2; δ. ἀσκεῖν Hm 8:10. ὁδὸς (τῆς) δ. (ὁδός 3ab) Mt 21:32; 2 Pt 2:21; B 1:4; 5:4. προπορεύσεται ἔμπροσθεν σου ἡ δ. 3:4 (Is 58:8); cp. 4:12. κατορθοῦσθαι τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐν δ. walk uprightly Hv 2, 2, 6; τῇ δ. ζήσωμεν live uprightly 1 Pt 2:24. πύλη δ. gate of upr. 1 Cl 48:2 (Ps 117:19), cp. vs. 4. ἐν οἷς δ. κατοικεῖ (cp. Is 32:16) in which righteousness dwells 2 Pt 3:13. Of Christ’s body δικαιοσύνης ναο͂ς AcPlCor 2:17. παιδεία ἡ ἐν δ. training in uprightness 2 Ti 3:16. ἔργα τὰ ἐν δ. righteous deeds Tit 3:5. λαμπρότης ἐν δ. rejoicing in uprightness 1 Cl 35:2; ἐχθρὸς πάσης δ. enemy of every kind of upr. Ac 13:10. W. ὁσιότης (Wsd 9:3): holiness and upr. (as the relig. and moral side of conduct; cp. 1QS 1:5; 8:2; 11:9–15; 1QH 4:30f) Lk 1:75 (λατρεύειν ἐν δ. as Josh 24:14); Eph 4:24; 1 Cl 48:4. W. πίστις (OGI 438, 8; 1 Macc 14:35; Just., D. 110, 3) Pol 9:2; cp. 2 Pt 1:1. With εἰρήνη (Is 39:8; 48:18) and χαρά Ro 14:17; cp. 1 Cl 3:4; Hb 7:2 (but s. 1a, above). W. ἀλήθεια (Is 45:19; 48:1) Eph 5:9; 1 Cl 31:2; 62:2; Hs 9, 25, 2. W. ἀγάπη 2 Cl 12:1. W. ἀγαθωσύνη Eph 5:9. W. ἁγνεία Hs 9, 16, 7. W. γνῶσις κυρίου (cp. Pr 16:8) D 11:2. ὅπλα (τῆς) δ. tools or weapons of uprightness Ro 6:13; 2 Cor 6:7; Pol 4:1; θῶραξ τῆς δ. (Is 59:17; Wsd 5:18) breastplate of upr. Eph 6:14. τέκνα δικαιοσύνης (opp. ὀργῆς) AcPlCor 2:19. διάκονοι δικαιοσύνης servants of upr. 2 Cor 11:15; Pol 5:2; μισθός δ. D 5:2; B 20:2; μέρος δ. portion in (eternal salvation) which is meant for righteousness ApPt Rainer 6; καρπὸς δικαιοσύνης (Pr 3:9; 11:30; 13:2) produce of uprightness (ApcSed 12:5) Phil 1:11; Hb 12:11; Js 3:18; Hs 9, 19, 2; GJs 6:3. ὁ τῆς δ. στέφανος the crown of upr. (w. which the upright are adorned; cp. TestLevi 8:2; Rtzst., Mysterienrel.³ 258; a common theme in honorary ins recognizing distinguished public service, s. indexes SIG, OGI and other ins corpora; Danker, Benefactor 345–47; s. also the boast of Augustus, s.v. δίκαιος 1aα) 2 Ti 4:8; cp. ἡ τ. δικαιοσύνης δόξα the glory of upr. ending of Mk in the Freer ms. ln. 11f. Described as a characteristic to be taught and learned, because it depends on a knowledge of God’s will: κῆρυξ δ. preacher of upr. 2 Pt 2:5 (cp. Ar. 15:2 τῇ δ. τοῦ κηρύγματος). διδάσκειν δ. teach upr. (of Paul) 1 Cl 5:7. μέρος τι ἐκ τῆς δ. a portion of uprightness Hv 3, 1, 6; cp. 3, 6, 4; δ. μεγάλην ἐργάζεσθαι m 8:2.—ἐλέγχειν περὶ δικαιοσύνης convict w. regard to uprightness (of Jesus) J 16:8, 10 (s. WHatch, HTR 14, 1921, 103–5; HWindisch: Jülicher Festschr. 1927, 119f; HTribble, Rev. and Expos. 32, ’37, 269–80; BLindars, BRigaux Festschr., ’70, 275–85).

ⓑ of specific action righteousness in the sense of fulfilling divine expectation not specifically expressed in ordinances (Orig., C. Cels. 7, 18, 39; Did., Gen. 188, 27: οἱ κατὰ δ. ζῶντες) Mt 3:15=ISm 1:1; of a superior type Mt 5:20 (s. JMoffatt, ET 13, 1902, 201–6, OOlevieri, Biblica 5, 1924, 201ff; Betz, SM 190f); not to win plaudits 6:1. To please outsiders as well as oneself 2 Cl 13:1. W. characteristic restriction of mng. mercy, charitableness (cp. Tob 12:9) of God, whose concern for the poor 2 Cor 9:9 (Ps 111:9) is exemplary for the recipients of the letter vs. 10; participation in such activity belongs, according to Mt 6:1f (cp. δίκαιος 1:19: Joseph combines justice and mercy), to the practice of piety (on the development of the word’s mng. in this direction s. Bousset, Rel.³ 380). Pl. (B-D-F §142; W-S. §27, 4d; Rob. 408 δικαιοσύναι righteous deeds (Ezk 3:20; 33:13; Da 9:18) 2 Cl 6:9. δικαιοσύναι righteous deeds (Ezk 3:20; 33:13; Da 9:18; TestAbr A 12 p. 91, 12 [Stone p. 30]) 2 Cl 6:9. ἀρετὴ δικαιοσύνης Hm 1:2; Hs 6, 1, 4; cp. 8, 10, 3.

ⓒ uprightness as determined by divine/legal standards δ. θεοῦ upr. that meets God’s standard Js 1:20 (W-S. 30, §7g).—Ro 10:5; Gal 2:21; 3:21; Phil 3:6; 3:9.—ASchmitt, Δικαιοσύνη θεοῦ: JGeffcken Festschr. ’31, 111–31; FHellegers, D. Gerechtigkeit Gottes im Rö., diss. Tüb. ’39; AOepke, TLZ 78, ’53, 257–64.—Dodd 42–59; ADescamps, Studia Hellenistica, ’48, 69–92.—S. also JRopes, Righteousness in the OT and in St. Paul: JBL 22, 1903, 211ff; JGerretsen, Rechtvaardigmaking bij Pls 1905; GottfrKittel, StKr 80, 1907, 217–33; ETobac, Le problème de la Justification dans S. Paul 1908; EDobschütz, Über d. paul. Rechtfertigungslehre: StKr 85, 1912, 38–87; GWetter, D. Vergeltungsged. b. Pls 1912, 161ff; BWestcott, St. Paul and Justification 1913; WMacholz, StKr 88, 1915, 29ff; EBurton ICC, Gal. 1921, 460–74; WMichaelis, Rechtf. aus Glauben b. Pls: Deissmann Festschr. 1927, 116–38; ELohmeyer, Grundlagen d. paul. Theologie 1929, 52ff; HBraun, Gerichtsged. u. Rechtfertigungslehre b. Pls. 1930; OZänker, Δικαιοσύνη θεοῦ b. Pls: ZST 9, ’32, 398–420; FFilson, St. P.’s Conception of Recompense ’31; WGrundmann, ZNW 32, ’33, 52–65; H-DWendland, D. Mitte der paul. Botschaft ’35; RGyllenberg, D. paul. Rechtfertigungslehre u. das AT: Studia Theologica (Riga) I ’35, 35–52; HJager, Rechtvaardiging en zekerheid des geloofs (Ro 1:16f; 3:21–5:11) ’39; HHofer, D. Rechtfertigungsverk. des Pls nach neuerer Forschg. ’40; VTaylor, Forgiveness and Reconciliation ’41; RBultmann, Theologie des NT ’48, 266–80, Eng. tr. KGrobel ’51, I 270–85; SSchulz, ZTK 56, ’59, 155–85 (Qumran and Paul); CMüller, FRL 86, ’64 (Ro 9–11); JBecker, Das Heil Gottes, ’64; PStuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes b. Paulus, ’65; JReumann, Int 20, ’66, 432–52 (Ro 3:21–31); HBraun, Qumran II, ’66, 165–80; JZiesler, The Mng. of Righteousness in Paul, ’72; ESanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism, ’77 (s. index 625; appendix by MBrauch 523–42 rev. of discussions in Germany); SWilliams, JBL 99, ’80, 241–90.—CPerella, De justificatione sec. Hb: Biblica 14, ’33, 1–21; 150–69. S. also the lit. on πίστις and ἁμαρτία.—On the whole word s. RAC X 233–360; AKöberle, Rechtfertigung u. Heiligung 1930; EDNT I 325–30.—DELG s.v. δίκη. M-M. EDNT.TW. Sv.

   1) The Book of Nature Is Written in the Language of Mathematics

   Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)

   2) Arranging Speech so as to Reply Appropriately

   It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)

   3) No Other Animal Has the Language Capacity of the Human

   It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)

   4) Human Beings Do Not Live Only in the World of Objects

   Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)

   5) Language Powerfully Conditions All Our Thinking

   It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)

   6) A List of Language Games

   [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]

   Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it

   Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another

   LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)

   7) Language Constrains Certain Modes of Interpretation

   We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)

   8) We Dissect Nature in Accordance with Our Native Languages

   We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.

   The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)

   9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language

   The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)

    10) The Analysis of Certain Types of Utterances

   It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)

    11) The Dictionary of a Language Is a System of Concepts

   In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)

    12) Talk about the Evolution of the Language Capacity is Beside the Point

   In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)

    13) The Development of Language

   [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)

    14) Sentential and Conceptual Levels in Language

   he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.

   The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)

    15) Linguistic Realities Have Not Yet Been Captured by Theoretical Models

   The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.

   But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)

    16) The Final Steps to Human Language

   The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)

    17) The Inadequacy of Formal Linguistic Models for Ordinary Language Usage

    t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)

    18) When a Language Is an Abstract Machine

   A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)

    19) Metaphor and Metonymy Underpin the Formation of Linguistic Signs

   Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)

    20) Language and the Analysis of Nature

   It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)

    21) Correspondence Rules for Mapping Old Theory into Subsets of New Theory

   First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....

   Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)

    22) The Inclusion of Non- linguistic Factors in a Theory of Grammar

   If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)

    23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction

   Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)

    24) The Genetic Blueprints of Language

   By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)

    25) Languages Are Machines

   Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)