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1 dъnò
dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'Page in Trubačev: V 174-175Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dnȍ `bottom' [n o];Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]Slovene:dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]Bulgarian:dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubnoLithuanian:dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-Certainty: -Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995). -
2 glistъ
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
3 glīstà
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
4 mèčь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
5 mь̀čь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
6 osa
osa; osìna; jesìka Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `aspen'Page in Trubačev: I 80-81; XXXII 93Russian:osína `aspen' [f ā]Ukrainian:osýna `aspen' [f ā]Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:wósa `aspen' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Slovene:jesíka `aspen' [f ā];jasíka `aspen' [f ā]Bulgarian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Lithuanian:ẽpušė `aspen' [f ē];ãpušė (dial.) `aspen' [f ē] 1 \{1\};Ãpšė top. [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: aps-eh₂IE meaning: aspenCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 55Comments: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.Other cognates:OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]Notes:\{1\} Alongside epušė̃, apušė. -
7 osìna
osa; osìna; jesìka Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `aspen'Page in Trubačev: I 80-81; XXXII 93Russian:osína `aspen' [f ā]Ukrainian:osýna `aspen' [f ā]Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:wósa `aspen' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Slovene:jesíka `aspen' [f ā];jasíka `aspen' [f ā]Bulgarian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Lithuanian:ẽpušė `aspen' [f ē];ãpušė (dial.) `aspen' [f ē] 1 \{1\};Ãpšė top. [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: aps-eh₂IE meaning: aspenCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 55Comments: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.Other cognates:OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]Notes:\{1\} Alongside epušė̃, apušė. -
8 jesìka
osa; osìna; jesìka Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `aspen'Page in Trubačev: I 80-81; XXXII 93Russian:osína `aspen' [f ā]Ukrainian:osýna `aspen' [f ā]Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:wósa `aspen' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Slovene:jesíka `aspen' [f ā];jasíka `aspen' [f ā]Bulgarian:jèsika `aspen' [f ā];jàsika `aspen' [f ā]Lithuanian:ẽpušė `aspen' [f ē];ãpušė (dial.) `aspen' [f ē] 1 \{1\};Ãpšė top. [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: aps-eh₂IE meaning: aspenCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 55Comments: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.Other cognates:OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]Notes:\{1\} Alongside epušė̃, apušė. -
9 vaditi
vaditi Grammatical information: v.Old Church Slavic:Russian:vádit' (arch., dial.) `slander, lure, spend time, deceive' [verb];vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend time, deceive' [verb]Czech:Slovak:Polish:wadzić (obs.) `annoy, hamper' [verb]Kashubian:vȧ̃ʒĭc `hamper' [verb]Slovene:Lithuanian:vadìnti `call' [verb]Comments: If we derive * vaditi from * h₂uedh₂ (cf. Skt. vadi `speak, talk'), the *a can be attributed to Winter's law. This would rule out a connection with Lith. vadìnti `call', which is best derived from * uedʰ- `lead', cf. Latv. vadinât `lead, accompany, urge, lure', vedinât `urge, lure' (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 337, Būga RR II: 642). It seems to me that Ru. dial. vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend (time), deceive' cannot be separated from vodít' `lead' (Baltic influence?) and therefore does not belong to our etymon * vaditi.Other cognates:Skt. vádati `speak, talk' [verb];Hitt. u̯ātarnahh- [verb] -
10 vědrò
vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'Old Church Slavic:vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]Russian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Czech:vědro `bucket' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vjèdro `bucket' [n o];vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]Slovene:vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]Bulgarian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Lithuanian:vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3aLatvian:vę̂dars `belly' [m o]Old Prussian:weders (EV) `belly, stomach'Indo-European reconstruction: ued-rómComments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.Other cognates:Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];Notes:\{1\} With unclear -t-.
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