-
1 bankovec
banknote, bill, note -
2 bràtrъ
bràtrъ; bràtъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `brother'Page in Trubačev: II 238, III 8-9Old Church Slavic:Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:brãt `brother' [m o]Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Polabian:Serbo-Croatian:brȁt `brother' [m o];Čak. brȁt (Vrgada, Orbanići) `brother' [m o]Slovene:bràt `brother' [m o];brȃtǝr `brother' [m o]Bulgarian:Macedonian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bráʔ-t(e)r-Lithuanian:brólis `brother' [m io] 1;broterė̃lis `brother (dim.)' [m io] 2Latvian:brãlis `brother' [m io];Old Prussian:brāti (Ench.) `brother';brote (EV) `brother';Indo-European reconstruction: bʰreh₂-tr-o-IE meaning: brotherPage in Pokorny: 163Other cognates: -
3 bèrmę
bèrmę Grammatical information: n. n Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `load, burden'Page in Trubačev: I 197-197Old Church Slavic:brěmę `load, burden' [n n], brěmene [Gens]Russian:berémja (dial.) `armful, bundle, burden' [n n], berémeni [Gens]Ukrainian:Czech:břímě `heavy load, burden' [n n], brěmene [Gens]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:brěmjo `heavy load, burden' [n n], brěmjenja [Gens]Lower Sorbian:brěḿe `load, burden, yoke, bundle' [n n], breḿeńa [Gens]Serbo-Croatian:brȅme `weight, load, pregnant woman' [n n], brȅmena [Gens];Čak. brȉme (Vrgada) `weight, load' [n n], brȉmena [Gens], brimenå̃ [Nom p];Čak. brȅme(n) (Orbanići) `load, burden' [n n]Slovene:bréme `weight, load, bunch, foetus, burden' [n n], bremę́na [Gens]Bulgarian:bréme `weight, load, pregnant woman' [n n], brȅmena [Gens]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerH-men-IE meaning: burdenPage in Pokorny: 128Comments: The accentuation of the etymon points to the presence of a laryngeal in the root.Other cognates: -
4 brediti
brediti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rave'Page in Trubačev: III 12Russian:Ukrainian:brěditi (OUkr.) `talk rubbish' [verb]Czech:bředit se (dial.) `writhe, forget out of malice' [verb]Polish:bredzić `be delirious, rave' [verb] \{1\}Lithuanian:brẽdyti `chatter, deceive' [verb] \{2\}Page in Pokorny: 164Comments: No doubt, this is the same root as in -> *brestì `wade', cf. Ru. sumasbród `madcap' (Van Wijk 1911: 128). We may be dealng with a denominative verb, (ESSJa) cf. Ru. bred `delirium, ravings'.Notes:\{1\} Since the 16th century. According to Bańkowksi (2000: 74), we are dealing with a ruthenism. \{2\} A borrowing from Slavic. -
5 bьrati
bьrati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `take'Page in Trubačev: III 162-163Old Church Slavic:Russian:Ukrainian:bráty `take' [verb], berú [1sg]Czech:bráti `take' [verb]Slovak:brat́ `take' [verb]Polish:brać `take' [verb]Upper Sorbian:brać `take, steal' [verb]Lower Sorbian:braś `take' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:brȁti `gather' [verb], bȅrēm [1sg];Čak. brȁti (Vrgada) `gather' [verb], bȅreš [1sg];Čak. brȁt (Orbanići) `pick, gather, collect' [verb], bȅren [1sg]Slovene:bráti `gather, pick, read, take' [verb], bérem [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ber-Lithuanian:ber̃ti `scatter' [verb]Latvian:bḕrt `scatter' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰer-e/o-IE meaning: bearPage in Pokorny: 128Other cognates:Skt. bhárati `bear, carry'; -
6 čuditi (sę)
čuditi (sę) Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `be surprised, marvel'Page in Trubačev: IV 127-128Old Church Slavic:čuditi sę `be surprised, marvel' [verb], čuždǫ sę [1sg]Russian:čudít' (coll.) `behave eccentrically, play the fool' [verb], čudít [3sg];čúdit'sja (coll.) `seem' [verb]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:čȕditi se `be surprised, marvel' [verb], čȕdīm se [1sg];Čak. čȕditi se (Vrgada) `be surprised, marvel' [verb], čȕdīš se [2sg]Slovene:čúditi se `be surprised, marvel' [verb], čȗdim se [1sg]Bulgarian:čúdja `surprise' [verb];čúdja se `be surprised, marvel' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: keud- -
7 čùdo
čùdo Grammatical information: n. s Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `miracle'Page in Trubačev: IV 128-129Old Church Slavic:Russian:čúdo `miracle' [n s], čudesá [Nom p]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:cu̇́d `miracle' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:čȕdo `miracle' [n s], čudèsa [Nom p];Čak. čȕdo `miracle' [n s], čudeså̃ [Nom p]Slovene:čúdọ `miracle, marvel, admiration' [n s], čúdesa [Gens]Bulgarian:čúdo `miracle' [n s], čudesá [Nom p]Indo-European reconstruction: keud-os- -
8 glistъ
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
9 glīstà
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
10 korьcь
korьcь Grammatical information: m. joPage in Trubačev: XI 128-130Old Church Slavic:Russian:koréc (dial.) `bucket' [m jo]Czech:Old Czech:kořec `dry measure' [m jo]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:kòrac `bark, crust' [m jo]Slovene:kórǝc `scoop, bucket, bushel' [m jo]Indo-European reconstruction: (s)kor-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 938Notes:\{1\} Zogr. has korъ Gpl. in the same verse (Luke 16:7) -
11 ložìti
ložìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `lay'Page in Trubačev: XVI 127-128Church Slavic:Russian:ložít'sja `lie down' [verb];položít' `lay down' [verb]Ukrainian:ložýty `lay, put' [verb]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫožyć `lay out, bestow' [verb]Slovincian:lùožĕc `lay, put' [verb]Lower Sorbian:ɫožyś `lie, rest' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:lòžiti `spread out, heat, kindle, make a fire' [verb], lòžīm [1sg];Čak. ložȉti `heat, kindle, make a fire' [verb], lȍžīš [1sg];Čak. ložȉt (Orbanići) `heat, make a fire, burn (as fuel)' [verb], lȍži [3sg]Slovene:lóžiti `lay, put' [verb], lǫ́žim [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: logʰ-eie-IE meaning: to lieCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 658Other cognates: -
12 mojь
mojь Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `my'Page in Trubačev: XIX 126-128Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mu̥j `my' [prn]Slovak:Polish:mój `my' [prn]Serbo-Croatian:mȏj `my' [prn], mòja [Nomsf], mòje [Nomsn];Čak. mõj `my' [prn], mojȁ [Nomsf], mojȅ [Nomsn];Čak. muõj `my' [prn], mojȁ [Nomsf], mojȅ [Nomsn]Slovene:mọ́j `my' [prn]Bulgarian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁mo-io-Other cognates: -
13 olbǭdь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
14 olbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
15 elbedь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
16 elbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates:
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