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1 razbiti
shatter, smash, wreck, break -
2 tresk
bang, slam, smash -
3 koltiti
koltiti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `shake'Page in Trubačev: X 156-158Old Church Slavic:Russian:kolotít' `strike, smash, shake' [verb]Czech:klátiti `shake' [verb]Slovak:klátit' `shake, swing' [verb]Polish:kɫócić `stir up, cause to quarrel' [verb]Slovincian:klùo̯cĕc `kill' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:klátiti `shake, swing' [verb];Čak. klātȉt (Orbanići) `beat, shake (e.g. nuts from a tree), knock about' [verb], klãtin [1sg]Slovene:klátiti `knock down, shake off' [verb], klátim [1sg]Bulgarian:klátja `shake, swing' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kolʔteiLithuanian:kálti `beat, forge' [verb]Latvian:kal̃t `beat, forge' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: kolH-Other cognates: -
4 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
5 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.
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