-
1 brez
-
2 bez(ъ)
bez(ъ) Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `without'Page in Trubačev: II 7-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: be(z)Lithuanian:bè `without' [prep]Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰe-ǵʰIE meaning: withoutPage in Pokorny: 112 -
3 evьja
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
4 evьn̨a
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
5 kromě
kromě Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `except'Page in Trubačev: XII 185-186Old Church Slavic:kromě `except, without' [prep];kromě `far away' [adv]Russian:króme `except, besides' [prep]Czech:kromě `except' [prep];Polish:Indo-European reconstruction: (s)krom- -
6 olbodà
olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51Russian:lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]Slovene:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]Bulgarian:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]IE meaning: goosefootCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).Notes:The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь). -
7 elbedà
olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51Russian:lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]Slovene:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]Bulgarian:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]IE meaning: goosefootCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).Notes:The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь). -
8 znьjati
znьjati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `smoulder, burn'Russian:znét' (Arx.) `shine, flame, become red' [verb]Czech:zňat (dial.) `shine, burn' [verb];znět' (dial.) `shine, burn' [verb]Other cognates:znojь -
9 àgnę
àgnę Grammatical information: n. nt Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lamb'Page in Trubačev: I 54-55Old Church Slavic:agnę (Zogr., Supr.) `lamb' [n nt]Old Russian:Czech:jehně `lamb' [n nt]Slovak:jahňa `lamb' [n nt]Polish:jagnię `lamb' [n nt]Serbo-Croatian:jȁgne `lamb' [n nt];Čak. jȁńe (Vrgada) `lamb' [n nt], jå̃ńci [Nom p]Slovene:jágnje `lamb' [n nt];ágnje `lamb' [n nt]Bulgarian:ágne `lamb' [n nt];jágne `lamb' [n nt]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂egʷ-n-IE meaning: lambCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 9Comments: PSl. * agn- < * h₂egʷ-n- (N.B. Winter's law) with the diminutive suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a secondary suffix do not exist.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Slavic *agnędъ `black poplar', which Trubačev derives from the word for `lamb', may be related to Greek ἄμνος `chaste-tree'. I tentatively posit a root *h₂eǵ-. -
10 blě̑skъ
blě̑skъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `brightness'Page in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:blěskъ `brightness, colour, lightning' [m o]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:blȧ̃sk `lightning, brightness' [m o];blìe̯sk `lightning, brightness' [m o]Upper Sorbian:blěsk `lightning, brightness' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:blȉjesak `glow, glimmer' [m o]Slovene:blẹ̑sk `brightness, splendour, lightning' [m o]Bulgarian:bljásăk `brightness' [m o]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloiǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ for reasons mentioned s.v. *blьskъ. -
11 blьskъ
blьskъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Old Czech:Lower Sorbian:Bulgarian:blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]Lithuanian:blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ. -
12 bȏrgъ
bȏrgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `stack, rick'Page in Trubačev: II 202-203Ukrainian:Old Czech:Polish:Slovincian:brȯ́u̯g `stack, rick' [m o], brùo̯gu̇Lower Sorbian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorgʰ-o-Page in Pokorny: 145Comments: Lith. b(a)rãgas `stack, rick' is a Slavic borrowing. Ru. brog was probably borrowed from Polish.Other cognates: -
13 drǫgъ
drǫ́gъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'Page in Trubačev: V 129-130Old Church Slavic:drǫgy (Euch.) `sticks' [Inspm o]Czech:Slovak:drúh (dial.) `bar, club' [m o]Polish:drąg `bar' [m o], drąga [Gens]Slovincian:drȯ́ųg `bar, pole' [m o], drȯ́ųga [Gens]Serbo-Croatian:drȗg `rail' [m o]Slovene:drǫ̑g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drongosLithuanian:drañgas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o];dránga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ā]Comments: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct * dʰrongʰ-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.Other cognates: -
14 dъnò
dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'Page in Trubačev: V 174-175Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dnȍ `bottom' [n o];Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]Slovene:dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]Bulgarian:dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubnoLithuanian:dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-Certainty: -Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995). -
15 esètrъ
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
16 esètra
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
17 jùgъ
jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:jȕg `south wind' [m o];jȕgo `south wind' [n o];Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]Slovene:jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative. -
18 mъldni
mъldni Grammatical information: f. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `lightning'Page in Trubačev: XX 220-222Old Church Slavic:Russian:mólnija `lightning' [f jā];molón'ja (dial.) `lightning' [f iā];molodnjá (dial.) `lightning' [f jā];meleńjá (dial.) `lightning' [f jā]Ukrainian:maladnjá (dial.) `lightning without thunder' [f jā]Czech:Polish:Slovincian:mou̯ɫnȧ́u̯ `lightning' [f jā]Polabian:mḁuńa `lightning' [f jā]Serbo-Croatian:múnja `lightning' [f jā]Slovene:móɫnja `lightning' [f jā]Bulgarian:mắlnija `lightning' [f iā]Latvian:Old Prussian:mealde `lightning'Indo-European reconstruction: mldʰ-n-Other cognates:OIc. mjǫllnir `Thor's hammer'Notes: -
19 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
20 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes:
- 1
- 2
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