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41 Costa Gomes, Francisco da
(1914-2001)Career military officer, key personality, and authority in transition from dictatorship to democracy, and president of the republic. Born in the remote, poor, Trás-Os-Montes district, Costa Gomes was trained as an army officer and gained experience and promotions in many postings in Portugal's overseas empire from Macau, China, to Angola and Mozambique. As a lieutenant colonel in the post of undersecretary of the army in April 1961, he was implicated in a military coup plot to overthrow Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. Although he was fired, Costa Gomes rebuilt his bridges, was promoted to brigadier general in 1964, and soon was appointed to important commands in the colonial wars in Portuguese Africa: first in Mozambique (1965-69) and then in Angola (1970-72). In September 1972, he returned to Portugal as head of the joint chiefs of staff, a post he kept until he broke with Prime Minister Marcello Caetano in early 1974.During the last part of Caetano's governance, General Costa Gomes, in tandem with his senior, more famous and charismatic colleague in arms, General Antônio de Spínola, was involved in activities that led to the organization of a successful military coup on 25 April 1974, which overthrew the 48-year-old Estado Novo. Although younger officers did most of the work organizing this action, Costa Gomes played a key role, including authorizing the publication of the sensational book by General Spínola, Portugal e o Futuro, published only two months before the Revolution of Carnations in February 1974. Spinola's book acknowledged that Portugal had to find a political not a military solution to the wars in her African colonies, and the public reception of the work helped prepare the atmosphere for a bloodless coup.After the successful coup by the Armed Forces Movement and the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Costa Gomes was appointed chief of defense staff. When General Spínola resigned in September 1974, Costa Gomes became president, a post he ably filled until June 1976, when General Ramalho Eanes was elected president of the republic. Costa Gomes soon withdrew from the public eye, but in 1981 was promoted to Portugal's highest military rank of marshal.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Costa Gomes, Francisco da
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42 Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático
(PSD)One of the two major political parties in democratic Portugal. It was established originally as the Popular Democratic Party / Partido Popular Democrático (PPD) in May 1974, following the Revolution of 25 April 1974 that overthrew the Estado Novo. The PPD had its roots in the "liberal wing" of the União Nacional, the single, legal party or movement allowed under the Estado Novo during the last phase of that regime, under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano. A number of future PPD leaders, such as Francisco Sá Carneiro and Francisco Balsemão, hoped to reform the Estado Novo from within, but soon became discouraged. After the 1974 Revolution, the PPD participated in two general elections (April 1975 and April 1976), which were crucial for the establishment and consolidation of democracy, and the party won sufficient votes to become the second largest political party after the Socialist Party (PS) in the number of seats held in the legislature, the Assembly of the Republic. The PPD voting results in those two elections were 26.4 percent and 24.4 percent, respectively.After the 1976 elections, the party changed its name from Partido Popular Democrático to Partido Social Democrático (PSD). As political opinion swung from the left to the center and center-right, and with the leadership of Francisco Sá Carneiro, the PSD gained greater popularity and strength, and from 1979 on, the party played an important role in government. After Sá Carneiro died in the air crash of December 1980, he was replaced as party chief and then prime minister by Francisco Balsemão, and then by Aníbal Cavaco Silva. As successors, these two leaders guided the PSD to a number of electoral victories, especially beginning in 1985. After 1987, the PSD held a majority of seats in parliament, a situation that lasted until 1995, when the Socialist Party (PS) won the election.The PSD's principal political program has featured the de-Marxi-fication of the 1976 Constitution and the economic system, a free-market economy with privatization of many state enterprises, and close ties with the European Economic Community (EEC) and subsequently the European Union (EU). After the PSD lost several general elections in 1995 and 1999, and following the withdrawal from office of former prime minister Cavaco Silva, a leadership succession crisis occurred in the party. The party leadership shifted from Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa to Manuel Durão Barroso, and, in 2004, Pedro Santana Lopes.During 2000 and 2001, as Portugal's economic situation worsened, the PS's popularity waned. In the December 2001 municipal elections, the PSD decisively defeated the PS and, as a result, Prime Minister António Guterres resigned. Parliamentary elections in March 2002 resulted in a Social Democratic victory, although its margin of victory over the PS was small (40 percent to 38 percent). Upon becoming premier in the spring of 2002, then, PSD leader Durão Barroso, in order to hold a slim majority of seats in the Assembly of the Republic, was obliged to govern in a coalition with the Popular Party (PP), formerly known as the Christian Democratic Party (CDS). Although the PSD had ousted the PS from office, the party confronted formidable economic and social problems. When Durão Barroso resigned to become president of the EU Commission, Pedro Santana Lopes became the PSD's leader, as prime minister in July 2004. Under Santana Lopes's leadership, the PSD lost the parliamentary elections of 2005 to the PS. Since then, the PSD has sought to regain its dominant position with the Portuguese electorate. It made some progress in doing so when its former leader, Cavaco Silva, was elected president of the Republic of 2006.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático
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43 Legislatures
Legislative assemblies during Portugal's long history have had various names, roles, and functions. Under the precon-stitutional monarchy, various Cortes were convened by the monarch. From 1834 on, the constitutional monarchy usually featured a two-chamber legislature: a House or Chamber of Deputies and a House or Chamber of Peers (Lords). During the First Republic (1910-26), after the 1911 Constitution was drafted and ratified by the Constituent Assembly, the two-chamber legislature was composed of a Chamber of Deputies (or "Congress") and a Senate. The legislature of President Sidónio Pais's "New Republic," which met only briefly, was described as a "Congress." More consultative than law-making, the Estado Novo's legislature met from January 1935 to April 1974 and was composed of a National Assembly and a Corporative Chamber. Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal has had a one-chamber legislature called the Assembly of the Republic. The Assembly of the Republic has 230 seats elected from 18 mainland constituencies, one each from the Azores and Madeira, one from Portuguese living in Europe, and one from among Portuguese citizens living in the rest of the world. -
44 Coimbra, University of
Portugal's oldest and once its most prestigious university. As one of Europe's oldest seats of learning, the University of Coimbra and its various roles have a historic importance that supersedes merely the educational. For centuries, the university formed and trained the principal elites and professions that dominated Portugal. For more than a century, certain members of its faculty entered the central government in Lisbon. A few, such as law professor Afonso Costa, mathematics instructor Sidônio Pais, anthropology professor Bernardino Machado, and economics professor Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, became prime ministers and presidents of the republic. In such a small country, with relatively few universities until recently, Portugal counted Coimbra's university as the educational cradle of its leaders and knew its academic traditions as an intimate part of national life.Established in 1290 by King Dinis, the university first opened in Lisbon but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, and there it remained. University buildings were placed high on a hill, in a position thatphysically dominates Portugal's third city. While sections of the medieval university buildings are present, much of what today remains of the old University of Coimbra dates from the Manueline era (1495-1521) and the 17th and 18th centuries. The main administration building along the so-called Via Latina is baroque, in the style of the 17th and 18th centuries. Most prominent among buildings adjacent to the central core structures are the Chapel of São Miguel, built in the 17th century, and the magnificent University Library, of the era of wealthy King João V, built between 1717 and 1723. Created entirely by Portuguese artists and architects, the library is unique among historic monuments in Portugal. Its rare book collection, a monument in itself, is complemented by exquisite gilt wood decorations and beautiful doors, windows, and furniture. Among visitors and tourists, the chapel and library are the prime attractions to this day.The University underwent important reforms under the Pombaline administration (1750-77). Efforts to strengthen Coimbra's position in advanced learning and teaching by means of a new curriculum, including new courses in new fields and new degrees and colleges (in Portugal, major university divisions are usually called "faculties") often met strong resistance. In the Age of the Discoveries, efforts were made to introduce the useful study of mathematics, which was part of astronomy in that day, and to move beyond traditional medieval study only of theology, canon law, civil law, and medicine. Regarding even the advanced work of the Portuguese astronomer and mathematician Pedro Nunes, however, Coimbra University was lamentably slow in introducing mathematics or a school of arts and general studies. After some earlier efforts, the 1772 Pombaline Statutes, the core of the Pombaline reforms at Coimbra, had an impact that lasted more than a century. These reforms remained in effect to the end of the monarchy, when, in 1911, the First Republic instituted changes that stressed the secularization of learning. This included the abolition of the Faculty of Theology.Elaborate, ancient traditions and customs inform the faculty and student body of Coimbra University. Tradition flourishes, although some customs are more popular than others. Instead of residing in common residences or dormitories as in other countries, in Coimbra until recently students lived in the city in "Republics," private houses with domestic help hired by the students. Students wore typical black academic gowns. Efforts during the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and aftermath to abolish the wearing of the gowns, a powerful student image symbol, met resistance and generated controversy. In romantic Coimbra tradition, students with guitars sang characteristic songs, including Coimbra fado, a more cheerful song than Lisbon fado, and serenaded other students at special locations. Tradition also decreed that at graduation graduates wore their gowns but burned their school (or college or subject) ribbons ( fitas), an important ceremonial rite of passage.The University of Coimbra, while it underwent a revival in the 1980s and 1990s, no longer has a virtual monopoly over higher education in Portugal. By 1970, for example, the country had only four public and one private university, and the University of Lisbon had become more significant than ancient Coimbra. At present, diversity in higher education is even more pronounced: 12 private universities and 14 autonomous public universities are listed, not only in Lisbon and Oporto, but at provincial locations. Still, Coimbra retains an influence as the senior university, some of whose graduates still enter national government and distinguished themselves in various professions.An important student concern at all institutions of higher learning, and one that marked the last half of the 1990s and continued into the next century, was the question of increased student fees and tuition payments (in Portuguese, propinas). Due to the expansion of the national universities in function as well as in the size of student bodies, national budget constraints, and the rising cost of education, the central government began to increase student fees. The student movement protested this change by means of various tactics, including student strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. At the same time, a growing number of private universities began to attract larger numbers of students who could afford the higher fees in private institutions, but who had been denied places in the increasingly competitive and pressured public universities. -
45 Guinea-Bissau
Former West African colony of Portugal until its independence in September 1974, Guinea-Bissau (not to be confused with Guinea-Conakry, its neighbor to the east and south) was the scene of Portuguese activity, at least on the coast, since the mid-l5th century. Its area is about 22,256 square kilometers (14,000 square miles). Portugal established a few forts and trading posts on the coast of what became Guinea-Bissau, and the slave trade became the major economic activity until the mid l9th century. Portugal's coastal presence was not expanded to the tropical interior until the 19th century, when Lisbon supported various so-called "pacification" campaigns. African resistance continued, however, to 1936.With the formation of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAICG), the principal nationalist movement, in 1956, African resistance increased. Between 1963 and 1974, a war of insurgency against Portuguese colonial rule was fought in the country. Unlike Portugal's territories in southern Africa— Angola and Mozambique — Guinea-Bissau did not have Portuguese settlement of any consequence, and the major private company that dominated the territory's economy (Companhia União Fabril) withdrew most of its assets by 1972. An important part of the alienation and radicalization of the Armed Forces Movement's officers took place in the grueling bush war in Guinea-Bissau. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal granted independence to this colony. -
46 Tourism
Although certain places in Portugal have attracted travelers since the 18th century, mass tourism did not begin until the 1960s. After 1780, English romantics such as Robert Southie, Lord Byron, and other foreign writers put the town of Sintra on the map of romantic places to visit. In the 1920s and 1930s, the town of Estoril, about 32 kilometers (18 miles) west of Lisbon, along the coast, began to be developed as a high-class resort town. During the 1930s, Estoril attracted wealthy Spaniards escaping from the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and, after World War II, displaced and dethroned ex-royalty from Europe. Tourism was encouraged in the late 1930s, when the Estado Novo began to restore Portuguese castles in connection with the Double Centenary Exposition of the Portuguese World in 1940, an event designed to attract visitors to Portugal. In the 1960s, the Estado Novo began to develop the infrastructure for a mass tourist industry. Hotels and golf courses were built, especially in the Algarve, and a national system of pousadas (government subsidized inns) was established in restored castles and other historic structures.During the 1960s, the number of tourists visiting Portugal reached 6 million per year. Tourists stayed away from Portugal during the turbulent years immediately after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, but returned during the 1980s, and the tourist industry has grown at a phenomenal rate ever since. The number of tourists rose from 7.3 million in 1981-82 to about 18.4 million in 1990. Expo '98, Portugal's worlds fair of 1998, attracted hundreds of thousands of additional visitors, mostly from Europe. -
47 Freitas do Amaral, Diogo
(1941-)Legal scholar and teacher, jurist, civil servant, and politician. Born in Povoa de Varzim, Freitas do Amaral's father became a member of parliament in the Estado Novo's National Assembly. A superb student, the young Freitas do Amaral studied law at the Law Faculty, University of Lisbon, and became the top law student and protégé of Professor Marcello Caetano, who in 1968 was selected to replace an ailing Antônio de Oliveira Salazar as prime minister. Freitas do Amaral received his doctorate in law in the late 1960s and remained close to his former law professor, who was now prime minister. In his scholarship on the history of Portuguese law, as well as in his political and social ideology as a conservative, Freitas do Amaral in many respects remained a student, protégé, and follower of Caetano through the period of Caetano's premiership (1968-74) and into the era of the Revolution of 25 April 1974. More than 20 years later, Freitas do Amaral published his memoirs, which focused on the 1968-74 political era, O Antigo Regime E A Revolução. Memórias Políticas ( 1941-75). This personal portrait of Caetano's tribulations as a sometimes reluctant, well-prepared but probably inappropriately selected national leader remains an invaluable primary source for historical reconstruction.During the early months after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Freitas do Amaral entered politics and became a founder of the right-wing Christian Democratic Party (CDS). He served as the party's leader to 1985 and again from 1988 to 1991, and was a member of parliament, the Assembly of the Republic, from 1975 to 1983 and from 1992 to 1993. When the Democratic Alliance, of which the CDS was a part, won elections in 1979-80, Freitas do Amaral served as deputy prime minister and minister of defense and, when Francisco de Sá Carneiro died in a mysterious air crash, Freitas do Amaral briefly served as interim prime minister. He was a candidate for the presidency in the 1986 presidential election, although he lost to Mário Soares. In 1995, he served as President of the United Nations General Assembly. As a European federalist who disagreed with the CDS Euroskeptic line followed by Paulo Portas, Freitas do Amaral broke with his party and resigned from it. Although he was usually regarded as a right-winger, Freitas do Amaral backed the Social Democratic Party in the 2002 Assembly of the Republic elections. Disillusioned with the government's policies and critical of its endorsement of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, Freitas do Amaral shifted his support to the Socialist Party in the 2005 election. The new prime minister José Sôcrates named Freitas do Amaral minister of foreign affairs in the XVII Constitutional Government, but the senior jurist and politician resigned after a year in office, for health reasons.After many years as a law professor at the New University of Lisbon, in 2007, Freitas do Amaral delivered a final public lecture and retired from academia. He is the author of a biography of King Afonso I, a play, and of various legal and juridical studies and is considered the most eminent living scholar in the fields of administrative and constitutional law.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Freitas do Amaral, Diogo
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48 Delgado, General Humberto
(1906-1965)Pioneer air force advocate and pilot, senior officer who opposed the Estado Novo, and oppositionist candidate in the 1958 presidential elections. One of the young army lieutenants who participated in the 28 May 1926 coup that established the military dictatorship, Delgado was a loyal regime supporter during its early phase (1926-44) and into its middle phase (1944-58). An important advocate of civil aeronautics, as well as being a daring pilot in the army air force and assisting the Allies in the Azores in World War II, Delgado spent an important part of his career after 1943 outside Portugal.On missions abroad for the government and armed forces, Delgado came to oppose the dictatorship in the l950s. In 1958, he stood as the oppositionist candidate in the presidential elections, against regime candidate Admiral Américo Tomás. In the cities, Delgado received considerable popular support for his campaign, during which he and the coalition of varied political movements, including the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and Movement of Democratic Unity, were harassed by the regime police, PIDE. When the managed election results were "tallied," Delgado had won more than 25 percent, including heavy votes in the African colonies; this proved an embarrassment to the regime, which promptly altered electoral law so that universal male suffrage was replaced by a safer electoral college (1959).When legal means of opposition were closed to him, Delgado conspired with dissatisfied military officers who promised support but soon abandoned him. The government had him stripped of his job, rank, and career and, in 1959, fearing arrest by the PIDE, Delgado sought political asylum in the embassy of Brazil. Later he fled to South America and organized opposition to the regime, including liaisons and plotting with Henrique Galvão. Delgado traveled to Europe and North Africa to rally Portuguese oppositionists in exile and, in 1961-62, dabbled in coup plots. He had a role in the abortive coup at Beja, in January 1962. Brave to the extent of taking risks against hopeless odds, Delgado dreamed of instigating a popular uprising on his own.In 1965, along with his Brazilian secretary, Delgado kept an appointment with destiny on Portugal's Spanish frontier. Neither he nor his companion were seen alive again, and later their bodies were discovered in a shallow grave; investigations since have proved that they were murdered by PIDE agents in a botched kidnapping plot.When the true story of what happened to the "Brave General" was revealed in the world press, the opposition's resolve was strengthened and the Estado Novo's image reached a new low. Posthumously, General Delgado has been honored in numerous ways since the Revolution of 25 April 1974.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Delgado, General Humberto
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49 Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães
(1918-)Historian, academic, political figure. Internationally, Portugal's most celebrated historian of the 20th century. Born into a family with strong republican and antidictatorial tendencies, Godinho chose an academic career following his graduation (1940) in history and philosophy from the Faculty of Letters, University of Lisbon. He taught history at the same institution until 1944, when his academic career was cut short by the Estado Novo's orders. He resumed his academic career in France, where he taught history and received his doctorate in history at the Sorbonne (1959). He returned briefly to Portugal but, during the academic/political crisis of 1962, he was fired from his faculty position at the Instituto Superior de Estudos Ultramarinos in Lisbon.In the 1960s and early 1970s, Godinho's scholarly publications on the social and economic history of the Portuguese overseas empire (1400-1700) first made a lasting impact both in Portuguese historiography and world historiography regarding the Age of Discoveries. His notion of a world system or economy, with ample quantitative data on prices, money, and trade in the style and spirit of the French Annales School of History, had an important influence on social scientists outside Portugal, including on American scholar Immanuel Wallerstein and his world system studies. Godinho's work emphasized social and economic history before 1750, and his most notable works included Prix et monnaies au Portugal (1955), A Economia dos Descobrimentos Henriquinos (1962), and, in three volumes, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial (1963-71).As a staunch opponent of the Estado Novo who had been dismissed yet again from 1962 to 1971, Godinho concentrated on his research and publications, as well as continuing activity in oppositionist parties, rallies, and elections. Disillusioned by the false "Spring" of freedom under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano (1968-74), he returned to France to teach. Following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Godinho returned to newly democratic Portugal. During several provisional governments (1974-75), he was appointed minister of education and initiated reforms. The confusing political maelstrom of revolutionary Portugal, however, discouraged his continuation in public office. He returned to university teaching and scholarship, and then helped establish a new institution of higher learning, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), where he retired, loaded with honors and acclaim, at age 70 in 1988.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães
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50 Housing
In a country with a chronic housing shortage, it is ironic that Portugal has preserved and restored one of Europe's finest collections of historic castles and palaces. For decades, well before the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal has endured a shortage of decent, affordable housing, whether rented or purchased, as well as the growth of sprawling urban shantytowns outside Lisbon, Oporto, and smaller towns such as Estoril. Known as bairros da lata, literally, "neighborhoods or boroughs of tin," these poorly constructed dwellings lack electricity, water, or sewage systems. The flimsy buildings are made of any kind of building materials, including sheets of galvanized tin that serve as roofs, walls, and doors. As of the early 1980s, it was estimated that there were at least 700,000 illegally constructed buildings in Portugal, some 200,000 of which were in the greater Lisbon area, an example of the worst kind of urban sprawl. Many of these structures were built on unused private lands or on public lands.Even after Portugal's economy began to benefit from membership in the European Economic Community (EEC; later the European Union), a significant portion of housing remained substandard, whether in rural or urban areas. By the early 1990s, electrification in rural areas was still not complete, and running water and sewage systems were lacking. As of the early 21st century, improvement in housing has occurred, but with population growth and the arrival of migrants from Europe, Brazil, and former colonies in Africa, the basic components of a housing crisis persist: shortage of decent rental or purchased housings; persistent urban shantytowns, which in some areas have expanded; and substandard living conditions.A majority of the Portuguese people (60 percent; and in Lisbon and Oporto, 80 percent) rent their housing. Improving or expanding such rental housing has been challenging in part because of rigid recent control laws that, between 1948 and 1985, tended to discourage either the maintenance and improvement or the construction of apartments. In suburbs outside Lisbon, large apartment houses were built after 1980 for the more prosperous new urbanites, but, as in the past, the supply of good, affordable housing lagged behind demand. Many Portuguese governments confronted and engaged the housing problem, and some excellent reforms were instituted. The contemporary housing crisis nevertheless persists and, after 2007, was complicated by the worldwide economic crisis. -
51 Rosas, Fernando
(1946-)Portuguese academic, writer, and politician. A student at Lisbon's Pedro Nunes High School, Rosas joined the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) through an organization at that school in 1961. He entered Lisbon University's Law School and, as a militant leftist student, was arrested and imprisoned by the political police, PIDE, on several occasions in 1965, 1971, and 1973. He went underground to escape further arrest and prison until the Revolution of 25 April 1974. After he had broken with the PCP following the Paris student riots of May 1968 and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, Rosas joined a Maoist organization and directed a radical newspaper, Luta Popular (People's Struggle).Rosas returned to university study in 1981, producing a great deal of journalism oriented to historical studies in major Lisbon newspapers such as Diário de Notícias and Público. In 1986, he received a master's degree in contemporary history and joined the human and social sciences faculty at the New University of Lisbon. In 1990, he completed his Ph.D. in history and became president of the Instituto de Historia Contemporanea, a consultant for the Mário Soares Foundation, and editor of História magazine. In 1999, he reentered politics and helped establish a party coalition, Left Bloc or Bloco de Esquerda (BE); in the 2001 presidential elections he ran as a candidate for the BE, garnering only 2.9 percent of the vote.In 2006, he was decorated by the president of the republic with a medal, as Commander of the Great Cross, Order of Liberty. An authority on the subject of 20th-century political and economic history, especially on the period of the Estado Novo, he is the author, coauthor, or editor of more than a dozen books and many scores of articles and chapters in newspapers and scholarly and popular journals and magazines, and he has been active in organizing international scholarly conferences. -
52 Intelligence Services
Little information, much less knowledge, has been made public regarding Portugal's various intelligence services in recent times. Some information was published about the notorious political police during the Estado Novo (1926-74), but much less is known about intelligence units active during democratic Portugal (1974-). Although no comprehensive study has documented the Estado Novo's political police, the PIDE, which operated after 1932 under various names and was sometimes compared to the Portuguese Inquisition (1536-1821), more has become known since Portugal's democracy was established, on 25 April 1974. One striking feature of the pre-1974 political police's work was its multifunctional nature: in addition to terrorizing, persecuting, and sometimes murdering the opposition, PIDE operated a prison system, was empowered by special laws to detain prisoners for 90 days or more without charge, carried out criminal investigations, produced political and foreign intelligence for leaders, and exercised some censorship functions, as well as having the power of arrest.With the end of censorship after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and the abolition of the political police, which had many informants among the population, more information was published on the intelligence services. Given the tragic, tangled history of the Estado Novo's political police and its impact, the new democratic regime was reluctant to set up intelligence services immediately. Care was taken to ensure that such activities under a democratic government would be conducted under strictly observed laws and would be consonant with democratic values and principles. Intelligence units were developed only in the 1980s and were oriented to report to the prime minister, as well as to the ministers of the interior and of national defense. By the late 1990s, the Serviço de Informações Estratégicas de Defesa e Militar/Strategic Defense and Military Information Service (SIEDM) was operating under the Ministry of Interior, along with Serviço de Informações de Segurança/Security Information Service (SIS), a civilian outfit responsible for domestic security. Along with the SIEDM, other military intelligence units are also responsible to the Ministry of National Defense, such as the Serviço de Informações Militares/Mili-tary Information Service (SIM) and Divisão de Informacões Militares/ Military Information Division (DIMIL). In the national legislature, the Assembly of the Republic, a number of permanent committees are responsible for monitoring intelligence activities. -
53 Balsemão, Francisco
(1937-)Lawyer, journalist, publisher, political leader, and media magnate. From a wealthy, well-connected family, Balsemão was educated as an attorney at the Law Faculty, University of Lisbon, like so many of his country's leaders in modern times. He began to practice law and write for newspapers in the early 1960s. In the 1969 general elections, he entered politics as a leader in the "liberal wing" of the regime's sole political party or movement, the Acção Nacional Popular, successor of the União Nacional. Soon discouraged by the failure of reform efforts, he resigned his seat in the National Assembly during the last years of Marcello Caetano's governance. In January 1973, he began publishing and editing a new newspaper, the independent Lisbon weekly Expresso, whose modern format, spirit, reform ideas, and muted criticism of the regime attracted much public interest.As part of a new wave of more liberal urban opinion among the better-educated classes, Balsemao's influential weekly paper helped prepare public opinion for change and for "an opening" in a closed system while Portugal moved toward revolutionary times, 1974-75. Expresso took as its models contemporary French and British investigative journalism, adapted to Portugal, and the paper was instrumental in promoting the colonial war hero General Antônio Spínola as a new leader who could solve the political impasse. The paper also featured excerpts from General Spinola's sensational book on Portugal's future and the wars in Africa, published in February 1974. Expresso thus helped prepare Portuguese public opinion for the military's intervention in the coup that brought about the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Following 1974, Balsemão became a leader in the Social Democratic Party (PSD). After the sudden death of the PSD leader, Sá Carneiro, in a mysterious air crash in 1980, Balsemão became PSD leader and served as prime minister from January 1981 to June 1983. In the 1990s, he helped finance and launch one of Portugal's first private television channels. -
54 Corporativism
Corporativism or corporatism, a social and economic doctrine or ideology, has been influential on several occasions in the 20th century. Based on Catholic social doctrines, corporativism began to enjoy a certain vogue among conservative parties in the First Republic. The Estado Novo adopted the doctrine as one of its main ideologies and strategies after 1930, although it took decades for the corporative system to be instituted in any comprehensive way. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar and his ruling group advocated the corporative system in the 1933 Constitution and the National LaborStatute of September 1933, but it was not until after a 1956 law that the system was put into operation.The Estado Novo's intention was to have greater control over the economy than the weak First Republic had managed by means of eliminating social conflict as well as the inevitable struggle between labor and management. New state doctrine declared that the regime under a corporative system would be "neither bourgeois nor proletarian." The idea was that corporativism in Portugal would be largely self-regulating and would promote social peace and prosperity. In fact, the corporative system became simply another part of the large state bureaucracy in the 1950s, l960s, and 1970s. Under this system, management was organized in guilds ( grêmios) and labor in official unions ( sindicatos). The state also organized special employer-employee institutes for rural workers ( Casas do Povo or "Houses of the People") and for fishermen ( Casas dos Pescadores or "Houses of Fishermen").An elaborate bureaucratic structure administered this cumbersome system. A Chamber of Corporations, representing all professions and occupations, was the upper chamber of the national legislature in Lisbon. One major aim or strategy of the system was to prevent labor strikes or lockouts, but after 1942's widespread strikes and later labor unrest it was clear that opposition labor groups, some organized by the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), had engineered their own labor union system parallel to the corporative system. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the first provisional government abolished the Estado Novo's corporative system. -
55 Durão Barroso, José Manuel
(1952-)Academic, scholar, and politician who rose to prominence after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Trained as an academic in the field of political science and law, Durão Barroso received a master's degree in political science at a Swiss university in the 1980s and continued to a doctorate in Portugal. For some years, he taught political science at the University of Geneva. A student of Portuguese government and politics, he entered academic life in Lisbon at various universities, including the Faculty of Law, University of Lisbon, and spent terms abroad as a visiting political science professor at Georgetown University in the United States.A leading member of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) after 1993, he was minister of foreign affairs in the Cavaco Silva government in the mid-1990s. When Marcello Rebelo de Sousa withdrew from politics in 1999, Durão Barroso was elected in his place as chief of the PSD; he led the party in the October 1999 elections, won by the Socialist Party (PS) under Guterres. The defeat of the PSD in this election, whose final results were closer than predicted, cast a shadow on the leadership position of Durão Barroso, whose brittle style and manner of public speaking aroused controversy. The position of the PSD, however, still retained some strength; the results of the October 1999 elections were disappointing to the PS, which expected to win an overall majority in the Assembly of the Republic. Instead, the PS fell one seat short. The electoral results in seats were PS (115) to PSD (81). As the PS's hold on the electorate weakened during 2001, and the party was defeated in municipal elections in December 2001, the PSD's leader came into his own as party chief.In the parliamentary elections of 17 March 2002, the PSD won the largest number of seats, and Durão Barroso was appointed prime minister. To have a majority, he governed in coalition with the Popular Party (PP), formerly known as the Christian Democratic Party (CDS). Durão Barroso reduced government spending, which affected the budgets of local governments and civil service recruitment. These measures, as well as plans to accelerate privatization and introduce labor reforms, resulted in a public-sector worker's strike in November 2002, the first such strike in 10 years. Durão Barroso decided to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a freeze on the wages of employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than 50 percent of the workforce.In 2004, he became president of the Commission, European Union (EU). He took up the office on 23 November 2004, and Pedro Santana Lopes, then the PSD mayor of Lisbon, became prime minister. Portugal has held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU three times, in 1992, 2000, and 2007.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Durão Barroso, José Manuel
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56 Protestants
As long as the Portuguese Inquisition was active, few non-Catholics resided in the country. Any person discovered to be a Protestant—and possession of a Bible was a certain sign—could be arrested, jailed, and threatened with execution by the Inquisition, especially before 1760. After the extinction of the Inquisition by 1821, a few Protestant missions arrived during the 1840s and 1850s. Evangelical Christian missionaries became active, especially British Protestants who came to travel or reside in, as well as to distribute bibles to Portugal. These included the celebrated British writer, traveler, and missionary, George Borrow, whose book The Bible in Spain in the mid-19th century became a classic.Even after the Inquisition ceased operations, restrictions on non-Catholics remained. Despite the small number of initial converts, there were active denominations in the 19th century among the Plymouth Brethren, Scotch Presbyterians, Methodists, and Anglicans. Some Protestant missions were founded in Portugal, as well as in her African colonies in the 1870s and 1880s. Among the legal restrictions against Protestants and other non-Catholics were those on building edifices that physically resembled churches, limits on property-owning and hours of worship, laws that prevented non-Catholic organizations from legal recognition by the government, discrimination against Protestant denominations with pacifist convictions, and discrimination against Protestants in conscription (the draft) selection. In the 1950s and 1960s, the middle to late years of the Estado Novo regime, small groups of Pentecostals, Mormons, and Jehovah's Witnesses settled in Portugal, and the numbers of their congregations grew more rapidly than those of earlier arrivals, but traditional restrictions against freedom of worship continued.After the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and the 1976 Constitution, such restrictions against Protestant worship and residence ended. Protestant churches were now recognized as legal entities with the right to assemble and to worship. During the period when military conscription was in force, that is, up to 2004, those Protestants who were conscientious objectors could apply for alternative military service. Protestant missionary activity, nevertheless, continued to experience resistance from the Catholic Church. In recent decades, there has been a rapid growth among the Protestant communities, although their expansion in Portugal does not equal the growth in Protestant numbers found in Brazil and Angola. By the early 1990s, the number of Protestants was estimated to be between 50,000 and 60,000 persons, but by 2008 this figure had more than doubled. The number still remained at only 2 percent of the population with religious affiliation. -
57 Soares, Mário Alberto Nobre Lopes
(1924-)Lawyer, staunch oppositionist to the Estado Novo, a founder of Portugal's Socialist Party (PS), key leader of post-1974 democratic Portugal, and twice-elected president of the republic (1986-91; 1991-96). Mário Soares was born on 7 December 1924, in Lisbon, the son of an educator and former cabinet officer of the ill-fated First Republic. An outstanding student, Soares received a degree in history and philosophy from the University of Lisbon (1951) and his law degree from the same institution (1957). A teacher and a lawyer, the young Soares soon became active in various organizations that opposed the Estado Novo, starting in his student days and continuing into his association with the PS. He worked with the organizations of several oppositionist candidates for the presidency of the republic in 1949 and 1958 and, as a lawyer, defended a number of political figures against government prosecution in court. Soares was the family attorney for the family of General Humberto Delgado, murdered on the Spanish frontier by the regime's political police in 1965. Soares was signatory and editor of the "Program for the Democratization of the Republic" in 1961, and, in 1968, he was deported by the regime to São Tomé, one of Portugal's African colonies.In 1969, following the brief liberalization under the new prime minister Marcello Caetano, Soares returned from exile in Africa and participated as a member of the opposition in general elections for the National Assembly. Although harassed by the PIDE, he was courageous in attacking the government and its colonial policies in Africa. After the rigged election results were known, and no oppositionist deputy won a seat despite the Caetano "opening," Soares left for exile in France. From 1969 to 1974, he resided in France, consulted with other political exiles, and taught at a university. In 1973, at a meeting in West Germany, Soares participated in the (re)founding of the (Portuguese) Socialist Party.The exciting, unexpected news of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 reached Soares in France, and soon he was aboard a train bound for Lisbon, where he was to play a major role in the difficult period of revolutionary politics (1974-75). During a most critical phase, the "hot summer" of 1975, when a civil war seemed in the offing, Soares's efforts to steer Portugal away from a communist dictatorship and sustained civil strife were courageous and effective. He found allies in the moderate military and large sectors of the population. After the abortive leftist coup of 25 November 1975, Soares played an equally vital role in assisting the stabilization of a pluralist democracy.Prime minister on several occasions during the era of postrevolu-tionary adjustment (1976-85), Soares continued his role as the respected leader of the PS. Following 11 hectic years of the Lusitanian political hurly-burly, Soares was eager for a change and some rest. Prepared to give up leadership of the factious PS and become a senior statesman in the new Portugal, Mário Soares ran for the presidency of the republic. After serving twice as elected president of the republic, he established the Mário Soares Foundation, Lisbon, and was elected to the European Parliament.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Soares, Mário Alberto Nobre Lopes
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58 Armed Forces Movement / Movimento das Forças Armadas
(MFA)The organization of career military who overthrew the Estado Novo in a virtually bloodless military coup or pronunciamento generating the Revolution of 25 April 1974. This organization began as a clandestine group of junior career officers, largely from the army, but later including air force and navy officers, who had a series of secret meetings in Évora and other cities beginning in the summer and fall of 1973. The general grievances of these officers, who tended to be junior officers in their thirties and forties with the ranks of lieutenant, captain, and major, centered on the colonial wars in Portugal's African Empire. By 1973, these conflicts were more than a decade old, and in two of the wars, namely Guinea- Bissau and Mozambique, the Portuguese forces were taking heavy losses and losing ground. The catalyst for organizing a formal protest at first was not political but professional and corporate: a July 1973 law passed by the Marcello Caetano government that responded to a shortage of officer candidates in the African wars by lowering the professional qualifications for officer candidates for militia officers, something deeply resented by the career officers. The MFA organized the military coup of 1974 that met little resistance.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Armed Forces Movement / Movimento das Forças Armadas
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59 Beja, City of
District and city in former Alentejo province, with a population of about 20,000. Its Roman name was "Pax Julia," and it is located about 136 kilometers (85 miles) southwest of Lisbon, in a wheat-growing section of the country. Beja is in the heart of the latifúndio region, the large landed estates of the south that in part were expropriated or nationalized by farm workers during the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and in the subsequent agrarian reform movements. Beja's industries feature olive oil, pottery, textiles, and leather. Since the 1970s, it has been the capital of the district. On New Year's Day 1962, Beja was the scene of an attempted revolutionary action of oppositionist Humberto Delgado's followers, at the Infantry Regiment No. 3's barracks in Beja, an effort that collapsed and resulted in the arrest of Delgado's followers and the death by a stray bullet of the under secretary of state of the army, Lt. Col. Jaime Fonseca. Traditionally, Beja is an area with a relatively strong vote for the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). -
60 First of May
An important holiday for organized labor, and a Labor Day for many countries in Europe, among them Portugal. Traditionally, beginning in the last decades of the monarchy, this was a day when labor groups, including unions of laborers, would demonstrate and commemorate European Labor Day in Portugal. When trade unions were given legal status during the First Republic, the First of May was a day during which labor openly organized demonstrations of solidarity and strength. During the Estado Novo, when traditional unions did not enjoy legal status but were required to be part of official labor syndicates in the corporatist system, May First was a day when labor challenged the regime's labor policies and its control of the streets. An important test of democratic Portugal occurred on 1 May 1974, following the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Freedom to celebrate that labor holiday was present, but some observers feared violence, disorder, and confusion as long-repressed forces of labor emerged in the streets. That May First celebration, however, went smoothly; media estimates were that 1 million Portuguese marched in the capital's streets peacefully that day.
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