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1 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
2 drozdъ
drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'Page in Trubačev: V 126-127Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:drȏzd `thrush' [m o];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]Slovene:drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdósLithuanian:Latvian:Old Prussian:tresde `thrush'Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).Other cognates:OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'Notes: -
3 dъždžь
dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'Page in Trubačev: V 195-197Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:déšt' `rain' [m jo];Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]Slovincian:dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]Upper Sorbian:dešć `rain' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]Slovene:dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]Bulgarian:dăžd `rain' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)Page in Pokorny: 227+184Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.Other cognates: -
4 sъdòrvъ
sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'Old Church Slavic:Russian:zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}Old Russian:Czech:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Slovak:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]Slovene:zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.Other cognates:Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];Notes:\{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
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