section+also

(-s, -ar), m.

1) ring, armlet (of gold or silver) worn on the wrist, esp. the sacred ring (stallahringr) on the altar in heathen temples, cf. baugeiðr;

2) in olden times, before minted gold or silver came into use, such rings were commonly used as a medium of payment; hence ‘baugr’ simply means money;

3) fine of varying amount for manslaughter, weregild;

4) gaff-hook?

5) in the phrase, eiga (kost) á baugi, to have a (single) chance left; ef sá væri á. baugi, if there were no other chance; þú munt eiga slíkan á baugi brátt, thou wilt soon have the very same chance or lot (viz. death);

6) the painted circle on a round shield.

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m. [the root bjúg—baug—bog; A. S. beág; O. H. G. pouc = armilla; lost in N. H. G. and in Engl.]

I. a ring, armlet, esp. in olden times to be worn on the wrist plain, without stones:

α. the sacred temple ring (stallahringr) on the altar in heathen temples; all oaths were’ to be made by laying the hand upon the temple ring; at sacrificial banquets it was to be dipped in the blood, and was to be worn by the priest at all meetings. The ring was either of gold or silver, open (mótlaus), its weight varying between two, three, and twenty ounces (the last is the reading of Eb. new Ed. p. 6, v. 1., the classical passages in the Sagas are—Eb. l. c. (and cp. 44), Glúm. 388, Landn. (Hb.) 258, Þórð. S. 94 (Ed. 1860); cp. also the note at the end of the new Ed. of Eb., referring to an interesting essay of the Norse Prof. Holmboe upon the matter, Christiania, A. D. 1864.

β. baugr is at present in Icel. used of a spiral ring without a stone (e. g. a wedding ring); the third finger is called baugfingr, transl. from Lat. digitus annuli, for the wearing of wedding rings is not in use in Icel. (unless as a Dan. imitation). Icel. also say einbaugr, tvibaugr, a single or double spiral ring.

II. metaph. in olden times, before minted gold or silver came into use, the metals were rolled up in spiral-formed rings, and pieces cut off and weighed were used as a medium of payment; hence, in old times, baugr simply means money, used in the poets in numberless compounds; hringum hreytti, hjó sundr baug, Rm. 35; cp. baugbroti, baugskyndir, baugskati, baughati, one who breaks, throws, hates gold, epithets of princes, etc., v. Lex. Poët. A. S. poetry abounds in epithets such as, beaggeafa, dator auri; the Heliand speaks of ‘vunden gold.’ In the law the payment of weregild is particularly called baugr, v. the compounds: baugatal is the Icel. section of law treating of the weregild, Grág. ii. 171–188; höfuôbaugr, lögbaugr ( a legal baug, lawful payment). In the Norse law vide esp. N. G. L. i. 74 sqq., 184 sqq.

2. the painted circle on the round shield (clypeus); á fornum skjöldum var títt at skrifa rönd þá er b. var kallaðr, ok er við þann baug skildir kendir, Edda 87, Eg. 699; often embellished with scenes from the mythical age. Some poems arc preserved or on record, describing such shields, two Berudrápur by Egil (bera, a shield), Haustlöng by Thjodolf, Ragnarsdrápa by Bragi Gamli (of the 9th and 10th centuries). Some of these poems were among the chief sources used by Snorri in composing the Edda. The shield is metaph. called baugr, Edda (Gl.)

3. a fish-hook; man eigi þú draga Leviathan á öngli eðr bora kiðr hans með baugi (very rare, if not an απ. λεγ.), Post. 686 C. 2.

4. the phrase, eiga (kost) á baugi, to have (a single) chance left; þótti þat vera et mesta hætturáð at berjast, en sá mun á baugi, ef eigi er sæzt, there will be no other chance unless we come to terms, Sturl. iii. 244; þú munt eiga slíkan á baugi brátt, thou wilt soon have the very same chance (viz. death), the turn will come to thee, Nj. 58; nú mun ek eiga þann á baugi, at …, there will be no other chance for me, than …, Orkn. 46; cp. einbeygðr kostr, dira necessitas, 58; kvaðst þá heldr vilja liggja hjá henni, ef sá væri á baugi, if there were no other chance, Fas. ii. 150. The explanation of this metaphor is doubtful, cp. Vkv. verses 5 and 7 (?), or is the metaphor taken from the weregild?

5. baugr also occurs in mod. usage in many compds, astron. and mathem., spor-baugr, the ecliptic; hádegisbaugr, a meridian.

COMPDS: baugabrot, baugamaðr, baugatal, baugshelgi.

m. [old Swed. lagman; the president of the supreme court formerly held in Orkney was called the lagman]:—‘law-man.’ In the ancient Scandinavian kingdoms each legal community or state (lög) had its own laws, its own parliament (lögþing), and its own ‘law-man’ (lagh-mann, lögmaðr); the lagman was the first commoner and the spokesman of the people against the king and court at public assemblies or elsewhere; he was also the guardian of the law, and the president of the legislative body and of the law courts. As in the heathen time laws were not written, the lagman had to say what was the law of the land in any case of doubt; in the general assemblies, at least in Iceland, he had to ‘say’ the law (from memory) to the assembled people from the Law-hill (Lögbergi); hence in the Icelandic Commonwealth he was called lög-sögu-maðr (q. v.), the ‘law-speaker,’ ‘law-sayer,’ ‘speaker of the law,’ and his office lög-saga or lög-sögn = ‘law-speaking:’

1. Sweden and Gothland in olden times were the classical lands of lagmen, for the whole kingdom was a confederation of commonwealths, each with its parliament, law-speaker, and laws, who were all of them united under one king; see the various records in the old Swedish laws, Sveriges Gamla Lagar, as edited by Schlyter, as also the classical account given of lagman Thorgny in Ó. H. ch. 60 sqq.—í hverri þessi deild landsins er sitt lögþing, ok sín lög, yfir hverjum lögum er lögmaðr, … þat skulu lög vera sem hann réð upp at kveða; en ef konungr, eða jarl, eða byskupar fara yfir land ok eigu þing við búendr, þá svarar lögmaðr af hendi búenda …; aðrir lögmenn allir skulu vera undir-menn þess lögmanns er á Tíunda-landi er, Ó. H. 65.

2. in Norway the political institutions of the old patriarchal ages were greatly disturbed through the wars and conquest of Harald Fairhair; the ancient laws of Norway too have been preserved in a much more fragmentary state than those of Sweden; of some of the most interesting laws only the eccl. section has been preserved, often in Icelandic transcripts or abridged. The most interesting records of the lagmen are therefore not to be found in the Norse laws, but in the Sagas, e. g. the debates in the Hák. S. Gamla, ch. 71–80, 85–97 (in the Flatey book), as also in the Þinga-þáttr in Fms. vii. 123–150, and in stray passages in the Icelandic Sagas, in such phrases as lögmenn ok konungr, lögmenn ok dómendr, lenda menn ok lögmenn ok alla alþýðu, Eg. 352.

3. in the later Middle Age in Norway, and in Icel. after 1280, the lagman was a justice, who presided in the court lögrétta, at the lögþing (II), cp. Jb. passim.

4. in the Icelandic Commonwealth, the officer whose duties have been described above was specially called lögsögumaðr, and lögmaðr is only used = lagamaðr = a lawyer,—þat er ok, at lögsögumaðr skal svá görla þáttu alla upp segja, at engi viti einna miclogi görr, en ef honum vinsk eigi fróðleikr til þess, þá skal hann eiga stefnu við fimm lögmenn (lawyers, men skilled in law), en næstu dægr áðr, eðr fleiri, Grág. i. 2, 3; þat skal allt hafa er finnsk á skr þeirri er Hafliði lét göra … en þat eitt af annarra lögmanna fyrirsögn ( of other lawyers) er eigi mæli því í gegn, 7; Njáll var lögmaðr svá mikill ( so great a lawyer), at eingi fannsk hans jafningi, Nj. 30. At the union with Norway (A. D. 1272) the lögsögu-maðr of the Commonwealth was replaced by two lagmen of the Norse kind, so that in the Sagas composed after that date (e. g. the Grettla) or in Sagas preserved in later transcripts, the terms were now and then confounded, and ‘lögmaðr’ was, by way of anachronism, used of the lögsögu-maðr of the old Commonwealth, cp. Grett. 64, 115, 173, 191 new Ed., Nj. 24, 164, 237 (v. l.), Eg. 597, Ísl. (Gunnl. S.) ii. 208, 238, 256, Bs. i. (Hungrv.) 62, Fms. iv. 115, 176, where the Ó. H. edition has the true reading, being made from a vellum of the Commonwealth time.

β. two instances are recorded referring to the 10th century in Iceland, where a lögmaðr occurs as a kind of county sheriff or officer, viz. in the Háv. S. (begin.) and the Svarfdæla S. ch. 10; but both records seem to be spurious and adapted to the state of things in Norway, for neither Saga is preserved in its pure original state, but remoulded after the union; see Maurer’s Entstehung des Isl. Staates, Beiträge, 136 sqq. In Scandinavia during the Middle Ages, as the power of the king increased, so that of the old lagman sank, and at last died away. In England it is preserved in the Speaker of the House of Commons, whose very name recalls to mind the law-speaker of the old Scandinavian communities.

II. a pr. name, Lög-maðr, Orkn.

COMPDS: lögmannsdæmi, lögmannseiðr, lögmannslauss, lögmannsúrskurðr.

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(gen. pl. stefja), n.

1) term, time fixed; viku s., a week’s notice;

2) refrain (in the central portion of a drápa).

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n. (root stafi), gen. pl. stefja, dat. stefjum, a summons, term, time fixed, (= stefna); viku-stef, a week’s notice, Eg. 274; var kveðit á viku stef, 394; þriggja nátta stef, a summons with three days’ notice, Grág. i. 385; bardaga stef, Al. 54.

II. a stave in a lay, burden, refrain; hann orti Hafgerðinga-drápu, þat er þetta stef í,—‘Minar bið ek,’ etc., Landn. 106; kvæðit, ok er þetta stefit í, Ísl. ii. 222; Þórarinn orti þá stef, ok setti í kvæðit, … ok er þetta stefit, Ó. H. 180, Eb. i. 210. In the old poems, called drapa, the middle part had a burden; this part was called ‘stef’ or stefja-bálkr, m. the ‘stave-balk,’ stave-section, Ó. H. 180; and consisted of several equal sets of verses, called stefja-mel or stefja-mál, n. stave-measure; the number of stanzas to each ‘stave-set’ varies in different poems (3, 4, 5, 7); the number of the sets also varies according to the length of the poem, e. g. if the stave-section were of twenty-one stanzas it would fall into seven ‘sets’ (3 x 7); if of twenty, into five (4 x 5); er rétt at setja kvæðit með svá mörgum stefjamelum sem vill, Edda (Ht.) i. 686; hef ek þar lokit stefjum, here the staves end; hefja upp stef, and so on, see the remarks s. v. slæmr. The stave or burden usually stands at the end of each ‘set;’ the burden might even be distributed among the stanzas of the stefjamel, as may be seen in the Togdrápa on king Canute in Ó. H., or in the poem Rek-stefja or Banda-dápa (Hkr. i. and Scripta Hist. Island, iii.)

u, f.

I. ‘law-mending,’ an ordinance; þat væri góð lögrétta er konungrinn gaf um konunglega refsing, Sks. 670.

II. as a law term, the name of the legislature of the Icel. Commonwealth, either from rétta lög, to make the law right, or perh. better from rétt, a fence, qs. a law-fence, law-yard, law-court, from being held within the sacred circle, called vé-bönd; for the word is used of the place as well as of the body sitting there, e. g. ganga til lögréttu, to proceed to the l., Nj. 150.

2. in the Norse law, as also in Iceland after the union with Norway, lögrétta was the public court of law held during the general assembly (þing), and presided over by the lagman; the members (lögréttu menn) were delegated from all the counties represented in the assembly, see N. G. L. ii. 10 sqq., as also Jb. Þingfara-balk, ch. 2.

3. in the Icel. Commonwealth the lögrétta was the legislative held during the althing on the lögbergi (q. v.), and consisted of the forty-eight Goðar (see goði); it was presided over by the lögsögu-maðr (see lögmaðr), and controlled all laws and licences (ráða lögum ok lofum), and was the supreme power in the land; for its power, composition, and duties, see esp. Íb. ch. 5, Grág. passim, esp. the Lögréttu-þáttr or section of the lögrétta, the Þingskapa-þáttr, the Njála, and the Sagas passim; of mod. writers, Maurer’s Beiträge, Dasent’s Introduction to Burnt Njál.

COMPDS: lögréttufé, lögréttumaðr, lögréttuseta, lögrettuskipan, lögréttuþáttr.

(gen. -ar), m. the sum which the bridegroom had to pay for his bride, and which after the wedding became her own property.

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m., gen. mundar, dat. mundi; [cp. O. H. G. munt, whence low Lat. mundium = tutelage in the old Teut. laws; women are said to live ‘sub mundio’ of their parents and husbands, Du Cange, s. v.; cp. also Germ. vor-mund = a guardian, and mündling = a minor or a person living under tutelage; perh. akin to mund ( hand), as hand and authority are kindred notions. So in Lat. phrases, in manu parentis, manumissio, etc., used of minors, slaves. In Norse the word is used in a special sense.]

B. In the ancient laws and customs matrimony was a bargain (brúð-kaup), hence the phrase to buy a wife, kaupa konu; the wooing was often performed by a deputy, and at the espousals (festar) a sum was agreed on, which the bridegroom was to pay for his bride. This sum was called mundr; and this transaction between the damsel’s father or guardian and the other party was called mundar-mál or mund-mál, e. g. Nj. ch. 2, Mörðr (the father) svarar, hugsað hefi ek kostinn, hón (i. e. my daughter, the damsel) skal hafa sextigi hundraða, ok skal aukask þriðjungi í þínum garði: hence the phrases, kaupa mey mundi, to buy a maid by mund; mey mundi keypt; gjalda mund, Skv. 1. 30, Fm. 41, N. G. L. i. 27, 48, Am. 93, and passim. No marriage was lawful without the payment of mund, for even if the wedding had been lawfully performed, without such previous payment of mund the sons of such a wedlock were illegitimate, and were called hornung (q. v.),—hann kallaði ykkr frillu-sonu,—Hárekr sagði at þeir mundi vitni til fá at móðir þeirra var mundi keypt, Eg. 40; the least amount of mund in Norway was twelve ounces, called the poor man’s mund (öreiga mundr), N. G. L. i. 27, 54; in Iceland it was a mark, sá maðr er eigi arfgengr er móðir hans er eigi mundi keypt, mörk eða meira fé, Grág. (Kb.) i. 222. On the wedding night the stipulated mund became the wife’s personal property, and thus bears some resemblance to the ‘morning-gift’ (morgun-gjöf) of the later legislation; þá er hjú koma í eina sæing, at þá er konu heimill mundr sinn ok svá vextir af fé því öllu er henni er mælt í mundar-málum, Grág. i. 370. The wife herself or her parents might, in case of divorce after misconduct, call on the husband to pay up the mund and the heiman-fylgja (q. v.) of which he had the charge, Grág. Festaþ. ch. 51; ella mun ek láta nefna mér vátta nú þegar, ok segja skilit við þik, ok mun ek láta föður minn heimta mund minn ok heiman-fylgju, Gísl. 16 (p. 32 in Mr. Dasent’s Gisli the Outlaw), cp. also Yngl. S. ch. 17; nefndi Mörðr (the father) sér vátta, ok lýsti fésök á hendr Rúti (the husband) um fémál dóttur sinnar ok taldi níutigi hundraða fjár, lýsti hann til gjalda ok útgreiðslu, Nj. 15 and Dasent’s Burnt Njal (l. c.), the Sagas passim, at abo Grág., esp. the section Festaþ. ch. vii. sqq. The mundr therefore was different to the dowry (heiman-fylgja), and has nothing answering to it in the modern law, nor perhaps in the old Greek or Roman customs; hence Tacitus speaks of it as something strange, dotem non uxor marito, sed maritus uxori affert. Germ. ch. 18. On the other hand, the Teutonic rites of marriage call to mind the ancient patriarchal times as described in Gen. xxiv and xxix. The etymological connection between mundium = tutelage and the Norse word is not altogether clear. In modern Icelandic usage heiman-mundr is erroneouslv used instead of heiman-fylgja, q. v.

(-s, -ir), m.

1) guest;

2) a royal retainer of inferior rank.

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m., gen. gests; pl. gestir, acc. gesti; [Ulf. gasts = ξένος; A. S. gest; Engl. guest; Germ. gast; Dan. gjæst; Swed. gäst; Lat. hostis]:

I. a guest; the original meaning of this word is a stranger, alien, cp. Lat. hostis.

β. the Guests, one division of the king’s men; the Guests were a kind of policemen, and had not the full privileges of the king’s guardsmen or hirðmenn, although they were in the king’s pay; they had their own seats in the king’s hall, the guests’ bench, gesta-bekkr, m., Fb. i. 347; their own chief, gesta-höfðingi, a, m., Nj. 7, Hkr. ii. 69, Fms. vii. 35; their own banner, gesta-merki, n., Fms. ix. 489; their own meeting, gesta-stefna, u, f., Fms. viii. 250; they formed a separate body, gesta-sveit, f., Fas. i. 318; skulu þar fylgja hirðmenn ok gestir, Ó. H. 204, in the battle at Stiklastað: a guests’ hall, gesta-skáli, a, m., is mentioned in Eg. 28, Fas. ii. 93: a ship, gesta-skip ( gesta-fley), n., Fms. viii. 139; cp. the Sagas passim, esp. the Konunga Sögur, Fms. x. 147, Hkr. passim, but esp. N. G. L. in the section Hirðs-skrá, or the law ( rules) for the king’s men, and Sks. 257 sqq. As the gestir were lower in rank than the hirðmenn, a recruit had often to serve his apprenticeship among them, e. g. var hann í gestasæti, he was seated among the guests, i. e. was held in small repute, Fas. i. 51.

II. a stranger, guest, Lat. hospes, but keeping the old notion of a stranger, prop. an accidental guest, chance comer, and is distinguished from boðs-maðr, an invited guest, or the like; hence the allit. phrase, gestr ok gangandi, a guest and ganger, since with the ancients the poor had to go from house to house (cp. gangleri); this is to be borne in mind, if one would understand old sayings such as, Guð elr gesti, God feeds guests, Bs. i. 247; or many passages in the old heathen poem Hávamál, e. g. órir gestr við gest, guest quarrels with guest, Hm. 31; gestr at gest hæðinn, guest mocking guest, 30, which reminds one of Hom. Od. xviii. 1–33; gest þú né geyja né á grind hrekir (scoff not at a guest, nor drive him to the door), get þú váluðum vel, Hm. 136, where gestr ( a guest) and válaðr ( a vagrant) are used synonymously; ganga skal, skala gestr vera æ í einum stað, 34. In olden times there were no public hostelries, and all entertainment was (as it still is in Icel.) private bounty; a fine instance of a munificent hostess of the heathen age is recorded in Landn.,—Geirríðr sparði ekki mat við menn, ok lét göra skála sinn of þjóðbraut þvera, hón sat á stóli ok laðaði úti gesti, en borð stóð inni jafnan ok matr á, 2. 13. After the introduction of Christianity, when churches were built and endowments given, the donors often imposed the duty of ‘feeding guest and ganger for a night’ (ala gest ok ganganda), Dipl. i. 169, 174; or, þar er ekki gesta eldi skylt ( it is not required to feed guests), ala hvern at ósekju er vill, 200; ala þurfa-menn ok þá er fara skylda-erinda, 201, cp. 273 passim:—gener. a visitor, guest: gesta-eldi, n. shelter for guests, D. I. (vide above): gesta-fluga, u, f. a guest-fly, a moth, Ísl. Þjóðs. i. 558: gesta-herbergi, n. a ‘guest-harbour,’ hostel, inn, Gr. καταλύμα, Luke ii. 7: gesta-hús, n. a guest-room, Sturl. i. 216, ii. 191: gesta-koma, u, f., gesta-nauð, n. a coming, crowding of guests: gesta-maðr, m. a guest-man (bishops had a special servant so called), Bs. i. 850, 876: gesta-rúm, n. a guest-bed: gesta-skáli, a, m. a guest-chamber, Hom. 36: gesta-spjót, n. pl., a cat is said to raise the ‘guest-spears’ when it lies on its back and cleans itself with its hind legs, which is a token that a stranger is at hand, Ísl. Þjóðs. i. 558.

III. as pr. names, Landn., freq.; also in compds, Þor-gestr, Heim-gestr, Goð-gestr, Hleva-gastir on the Golden horn (Bugge’s reading), and Gr. Ξενο-φών, Ξενο-φάνης. Gestr is a name of Odin = the Traveller, Edda, Vþm., Gm., Hervar. S. ch. 15 (Gestum-blindi). It is curious to notice that whereas with the Romans hostis came to mean a foe, with the Teutons (as with the Gr. ξένος) the equivalent word became a term of friendship, used of a friend staying at one’s house.

m. heathen priest; chief (in Iceland during the republic).

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a, m. [Ulf, renders ἱερεύς by gudja (ufar-gudja, ahumista-gudja, etc.), ἱερατεία by gudjinassus, ἱερατεύειν by gudjinôn; an Icel. gyði, gen. gyðja, would answer better to the Goth. form, but it never occurs, except that the fem. gyðja = goddess and priestess points not to goði, but to a masc. with a suppressed final i, gyði; a word coting occurs in O. H. G. glossaries, prob. meaning the same; and the form guþi twice occurs on Danish-Runic stones in Nura-guþi and Saulva-guþi, explained as goði by P. G. Thorsen, Danske Runem.; (Rafn’s explanation and reading of Nura-guþi qs. norðr á Gauði, is scarcely right): with this exception this word is nowhere recorded till it appears in Icel., where it got a wide historical bearing]:—prop. a priest, sacerdos, and hence a liege-lord or chief of the Icel. Commonwealth.

A. HISTORICAL REMARKS.—The Norse chiefs who settled in Icel., finding the country uninhabited, solemnly took possession of the land (land-nám, q. v.); and in order to found a community they built a temple, and called themselves by the name of goði or hof-goði, ‘temple-priest;’ and thus the temple became the nucleus of the new community, which was called goðorð, n.:—hence hof-goði, temple-priest, and höfðingi, chief, became synonymous, vide Eb. passim. Many independent goðar and goðorð sprang up all through the country, until about the year 930 the alþingi (q. v.) was erected, where all the petty sovereign chiefs (goðar) entered into a kind of league, and laid the foundation of a general government for the whole island. In 964 A. D. the constitution was finally settled, the number of goðorð being fixed at three in each þing ( shire), and three þing in each of the three other quarters, (but four in the north); thus the number of goðar came to be nominally thirty-nine, really thirty-six, as the four in the north were only reckoned as three, vide Íb. ch. 5. On the introduction of Christianity the goðar lost their priestly character, but kept the name; and the new bishops obtained seats in the Lögrétta (vide biskup). About the year 1004 there were created new goðar (and goðorð), who had to elect judges to the Fifth Court, but they had no seats in the Lögrétta, and since that time the law distinguishes between forn ( old) and ný ( new) goðorð;—in Glúm. ch. 1 the word forn is an anachronism. It is curious that, especially in the 12th century, the goðar used to take the lesser Orders from political reasons, in order to resist the Romish clergy, who claimed the right of forbidding laymen to be lords of churches or to deal with church matters; thus the great chief Jón Loptsson was a sub-deacon; at last, about 1185, the archbishop of Norway forbade the bishops of Icel. to ordain any holder of a goðorð, unless they first gave up the goðorð, fyrir því bjóðum vér biskupum at vígja eigi þá menn er goðorð hafa, D. I. i. 291. In the middle of the 13th century the king of Norway induced the goðar to hand their power over to him, and thus the union with Norway was finally brought about in the year 1262; since that time, by the introduction of new codes (1272 and 1281), the name and dignity of goðar and goðorð disappeared altogether, so that the name begins and ends with the Commonwealth.

B. DUTIES.—In the alþingi the goðar were invested with the Lögrettu-skipan (q. v.), that is to say, they composed the Lögrétta (the Legislative consisting of forty-eight members—on the irregularity of the number vide Íb. ch. 5), and were the lawgivers of the country; secondly, they had the dómnefna (q. v.), or right of naming the men who were to sit in the courts, vide dómr:—as to their duties in the quarter-parliaments (vár-þing) vide Grág. Þ. Þ. and the Sagas. The authority of the goðar over their liegemen at home was in olden times somewhat patriarchal, vide e. g. the curious passage in Hænsaþ. S. ch. 2; though no section of law relating to this interesting part of the old history is on record, we can glean much information from the Sagas. It is to be borne in mind that the goðar of the Saga time (10th century) and those of the Grágás and Sturlunga time (12th and 13th centuries) were very different; the former were a kind of sovereign chiefs, who of free will entered into a league; the latter had become officials, who for neglecting their duties in parliament might be fined, and even forfeit the goðorð to their liegemen, vide Grág. Þ. Þ. Neither þing (q. v.) nor goðorð was ever strictly geographical (such is the opinion of Konrad Maurer), but changed from time to time; the very word goðorð is defined as ‘power’ (veldi), and was not subject to the payment of tithe, K. Þ. K. 142. The goðorð could be parcelled out by inheritance or by sale; or they might, as was the case in the latter years of the Commonwealth, accumulate in one hand, vide esp. Sturl. passim, and Grág. The liegemen (þingmenn) were fully free to change their lords (ganga í lög með goða, ganga ór lögum); every franklin (þingmaðr) had in parliament to declare his þingfesti, i. e. to name his liegeship, and say to what goði and þing he belonged, and the goði had to acknowledge him; so that a powerful or skilful chief might have liegemen scattered all over the country. But the nomination to the courts and the right of sitting in the legislative body were always bound to the old names, as fixed by the settlement of the year 964; and any one who sought the name or influence of a goði had first (by purchase, inheritance, or otherwise) to become possessor of a share of one of the old traditionary goðorð; see the interesting chapter in Nj. The three goðar in one þing ( shire) were called sam-goða, joint-goðar; for the sense of allsherjar-goði vide p. 17.

C. NAMES.—Sometimes a chief’s name referred to the god whom he especially worshipped, as Freys-Goði, Hrafn., Gísl., whence Freys-gyðlingar, q. v.; (the ör-goði is dubious); more frequently the name referred to the liegemen or county, e. g. Ljósvetninga-Goði, Tungu-Goði, etc.; but in the Saga time, goði was often added to the name almost as a cognomen, and with some, as Snorri, it became a part of their name (as Cato Censor in Latin); hann varðveitti þá hof, var hann þá kallaðr Snorri Goði, Eb. 42; seg, at sá sendi, er meiri vin var húsfreyjunnar at Fróðá en Goðans at Helgafelli, 332. Names on record in the Sagas:—men living from A. D. 874 to 964, Hallsteinn Goði, Landn., Eb.; Sturla Goði, Landn. 65; Jörundr Goði and Hróarr Tungu-Goði, id.; Ljótólfr Goði, Sd.; Hrafnkell Freys-Goði, Hrafn.; Oddr Tungu-Goði, Landn.; Þormóðr Karnár-Goði, Vd.; Áskell Goði, Rd.; Úlfr Ör-goði, Landn.; Grímkell Goði, Harð. S.; Þorgrímr Freys-goði, Gísl. 100, 110:—964 to 1030, Arnkell Goði, Landn., Eb.; Þorgrímr Goði, Eb.; Geirr Goði, Landn., Nj.; Runólfr Goði, id.; Þóroddr Goði, Kristni S.; Þormóðr Allsherjar-Goði, Landn.; Þorgeirr Goði, or Ljósvetninga-Goði, Nj., Landn.; (Þorkell Krafla) Vatnsdæla-Goði, Vd.; Helgi Hofgarða-Goði, Landn., Eb.; Snorri Hlíðarmanna-Goði, Lv.; Þórarinn Langdæla-Goði, Heiðarv. S.; and last, not least, Snorri Goði:—in the following period goði appears, though very rarely, as an appellative, e. g. Þormóðr Skeiðar-Goði (about 1100):—of the new goðar of 1004, Höskuldr Hvítaness-Goði, Nj.:—used ironically, Ingjaldr Sauðeyja-Goði, Ld.

2. goðorð mentioned by name,—in the south, Allsherjar-goðorð, Landn. (App.) 336; Dalverja-goðorð, Sturl. ii. 48; Lundarmanna-goðorð, i. 223; Reykhyltinga-goðorð, 104, iii. 166, 169; Bryndæla-goðorð, Kjaln. S. 402: in the north, Ljósvetninga-goðorð, Lv. ch. 30; Möðruvellinga-goðorð, Bs. i. 488; Vatnsdæla-goðorð, Fs. 68; Fljótamanna-goðorð, Sturl. i. 138: in the west, Snorrunga-goðorð, 55; Jöklamanna-goðorð, iii. 166; Rauðmelinga-goðorð, Eb. 288; Reyknesinga-goðorð, Sturl. i. 9, 19; Þórsnesinga-goðorð, 198: the new godords of the Fifth Court, Laufæsinga-goðorð, Nj. 151; Melamanna-goðorð, id., Band., Sturl. i. 227. Passages in the Sagas and Laws referring to goðar and goðorð are very numerous, e. g. Íb. ch. 5, Nj. ch. 98, Grág., Lögréttu-þáttr, and Þ. Þ. passim, esp. ch. 1–5, 17, 35, 37, 39, 44, 58, 60, 61, Lv. ch. 4 (interesting), Vd. ch. 27, 41 (in fine), and 42, Vápn., Hrafn. ch. 2, Eb. ch. 10, 56, Sturl. iii. 98, 104, passim; for the accumulation of godords, see i. 227 (3, 22), Bs. i. 54; for the handing over the godords to the king of Norway, D. I. i; and esp. article 3 of the Sáttmáli, D. I. i. 631, 632. The godords were tithe-free, ef maðr á goðorð, ok þarf eigi þat til tíundar at telja, vald er þat en eigi fé:, K. Þ. K. 142.

COMPDS: goðakviðr, goðalýrittr, goðaþáttr.

II. = goð, i. e. good genius, in the Icel. game at dice called goða-tafl, with the formula, heima ræð eg goða minn bæði vel og lengi, … og kasta eg svo fyrir þig, cp. also ást-goði.

gjörð, gerð, f. [göra]:

1. used of making, building, workmanship; görð ok gylling, Vm. 47; kirkju-görð, church-building; húsa-g., house-building; skipa-g., ship-building; garð-g., fence-making:—of performance, vígslu-g., inauguration; messu-g., saying of mass, divine service; þjónustu-g., embættis-g., id.; þakkar-g., thanksgiving; bænar-g., prayer; lof-g., praise; ölmusu-g., alms-giving; frið-g., peace-making; sættar-g., settlement, agreement, arbitration:—of working, akr-g., tillage; ú-gerð, bad workmanship, patchwork; við-gerð, mending:—of yielding (of duties), tíundar-görð, tithe; leiðangrs-g., paying levy:—of cookery and the like, öl-görð, ale-making, brewing; matar-g., cooking; brauð-g., baking: sundr-gerð, show: til-gerð, whims: upp-gerð, dissimulation: eptir-görð, q. v.: í-görð, suppuration.

2. a doing, act, deed; the phrase, orð ok görðir, words and deeds, Fms. iii. 148; ef þú launar svá mína görð, Ísl. ii. 141, Stj. 250, 252, Dipl. i. 7: so in the phrase, söm þín gerð, as good as the deed (in declining a kind offer); góð-görð, vel-görð, a good deed, benefit; íll-görðir (pl.), evil doings; mein-görðir, transgressions: in gramm. the active voice, Skálda 180.

II. a law term, arbitration; the settlement was called sætt or sættar-görð, the umpires görðar-menn, m., Grág., Nj. passim; and the verdict gerð or görð, cp. göra C. IV:—the technical phrases were, leggja mál í görð, to submit a case to arbitration, passim; vóru málin í gerð lagin með umgangi ok sættarboðum góðgjarna manna, Eb. 128; or slá málum í sætt, Rd. 248, Eb. ch. 56; leggja mál undir e-n, Lv. ch. 27: nefna menn til görðar (ch. 4), or taka menn til görðar, to choose umpires; vóru menn til gerðar teknir ok lagðr til fundr, Nj. 146: skilja undir gerð (sátt), or skilja undan, to stipulate, of one of the party making a stipulation to be binding on the umpire (as e. g. the award shall not be outlawry but payment), en þó at vandliga væri skilit undir görðina, þá játaði Þórðr at göra, Eb. 24, cp. Ld. 308, Sturl. ii. 63; göra fé slíkt sem hann vildi, at undan-skildum hérað-sektum ok utanferðum, var þá handsalat niðrfall af sökum, Fs. 74; lúka upp gerð ( to deliver the arbitration), or segja upp gerð, to pronounce or to give verdict as umpire; skyldi Skapti gerð upp segja, Valla L. 225; hann lauk upp gerðum á Þórsness-þingi ok hafði við hina vitrustu menn er þar vóru komnir, Eb. 246; þeir skyldi upp lúka görðinni áðr en þeir færi af þingi, Bjarn. (fine); Þorsteinn kvaðsk ekki mundu görð upp lúka fyr en á nokkuru lögþingi, Fs. 49:—as to the number of umpires,—one only, a trustworthy man, was usually appointed, Eb. ch. 10 (Thord Gellir umpire), ch. 46, Lv. ch. 27 (Gellir), Valla L. ch. 6 (Skapti the speaker), Rd. ch. 6 (Áskell Goði), Sturl. 2. ch. 103 (Jón Loptsson), Sturl. 4. ch. 27 (Thorvald Gizurarson), Bjarn. 17 (the king of Norway), Flóam. S. ch. 3, Hallfr. S. ch. 10, Bjarn. 55: two umpires, Rd. ch. 10, 16, 18, 24, Valla L. ch. 10 (partly a case of sjálfdæmi), Bjarn. (fine): twelve umpires, Nj. ch. 75, 123, 124 (six named by each party): the number and other particulars not recorded, Vd. ch. 39, 40, Nj. ch. 94, Rd. ch. 11, 13, Eb. ch. 27, 56, Lv. ch. 4, 12, 30, Glúm. ch. 9, 23, 27, etc.:—even the sjálfdæmi (q. v.), self-judging, was a kind of arbitration, cp. Vápn. 31, Vd. ch. 29, 34, 44, Lv. ch. 17, Band. pp. 11–13, Ölk. ch. 2–4: curious is the passage, ek vil at vit takim menn til görðar með okkr, Hrafnkell svarar, þá þykisk þú jafn-menntr mér, Hrafn. 10:—görð is properly distinguished from dómr, but is sometimes confounded with it, vóru handsöluð mál í dóm ok menn til görðar nefndir, Lv. 13; málin kómu í dóm Vermundar, en hann lauk gerðum upp á Þórsness-þingi, Eb. 246; as also Nj. (beginning), where lögligir dómar no doubt refers to görð. A section of law about görð is contained in the Grág. at the end of Kaupa-þáttr, ch. 69–81 (i. 485–497), where even the curious case is provided for of one or all the umpires dying, or becoming dumb or mad, before pronouncing their verdict. ☞ This was a favourite way of settlement at the time of the Commonwealth, and suited well the sagacious and law-abiding spirit of the men of old: nor did the institution of the Fifth Court make any change in this; the görð was even resorted to in public matters, such as the introduction of Christianity in A. D. 1000. Good and leading men acted the part of public peacemakers (e. g. Njál in the 10th, Jón Loptsson in the 12th century); until at last, in the 13th century, the king of Norway was resorted to, but he misused the confidence put in him.

(-s, -ar), m. poor-law district (in Iceland).

* * *

m.:—this word remains in ‘ the Rape of Bramber’ in Sussex, and is undoubtedly Scandinavian, being probably derived, as Pal Vídalín suggested, from hreppa, and thus originally meaning a share, allodium; it may be that the proper name Hrappr (Landn.) is akin (= a yeoman, master of a Rape?); for the bad sense of that name (= a traitor) is a metonyme, borrowed from the person of that name in the Njála. After the introduction of Christianity, all Icel. was, for the maintenance of the poor, divided into poor-law districts called hreppar, which still exist, being in most cases, though not always, identical with the sókn or parish; and it is remarkable that the district round the Bishop’s seat at Skalholt bears the local name Hreppar, indicating that this division had the Bishop’s house as its nucleus. The occurrence therefore of this name in the Landn. is an anachronism; as probably are also the few instances in which hreppr is used as an appellative in records of the heathen age, e. g. Lv. l. c. It is not known when the division into Rapes took place; perhaps it took place gradually during the 11th century; vera á hrepp, koma á hreppinn, to be or become a pauper. In the Grágás a special section (and as it seems one of the oldest) is called ‘um Hreppa-skil,’ Kb. ii. 171–180; ‘um Hreppa-lög,’ Sb. i. 443–458. Twenty franklins at least constituted a lawful Rape, Kb. ii. 171. (These remarks are partly due to Konrad Maurer.)

COMPDS: hreppadómr, hreppalög, Hreppamaðr, hreppamál, hreppamót, hreppaskil, hreppatal, hreppsfundr, hreppsmaðr, hreppssókn, hreppsóknarmenn, hreppsstjóri, hreppsúmagi.

f., mod. mann-helgi, f. indecl.:—personal rights, inviolability of person, N. G. L. i. 8: the section of the law treating of personal rights, also called mannhelgar-bálkr, ii. 45: hér hefr upp mannhelgi vára, þat er fyrst í mannhelgi várri, at …, id.:—a sanctuary, þar var mannhelgr mikil, ok miklar viðlögur við manns aftak, Fms. x. 391.