Перевод: со словенского на английский

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be+separated

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 3 děl̨ьma

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨ьma

  • 4 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 5 dьl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьl̨a

  • 6 drebà

    drobà II; drobìna II; drebà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs, entrails'
    Page in Trubačev: V 105, 117, 118-119
    Russian:
    drobá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drobína (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drebá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dróba (RSA) `entrails' [f ā];
    dròbina (Vuk) `entrails, tripe' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    drabnà (dial.) `sleet, dough, mud' [f ā] 4
    Latvian:
    drabenes `sediment of malt after brewing process' [f ē]
    Comments: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *drobà II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *drobà I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of drobà I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while drobà II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root * dʰrabʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. draf `lees, yeast' [n];
    Nw. drav `sediment of malt after brewing process' [n];
    OHG trebir `pig's swill' [Nompm];
    MoDu. draf `pig's swill'
    ;
    MoIr. draoib `mud, mire' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drebà

  • 7 majati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > majati

  • 8 mavati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mavati

  • 9 vaditi

    vaditi Grammatical information: v.
    Old Church Slavic:
    vaditi (Zogr., Mar., Supr.) `accuse' [verb], važdǫ [1sg], vadiši [2sg]
    Russian:
    vádit' (arch., dial.) `slander, lure, spend time, deceive' [verb];
    vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend time, deceive' [verb]
    Czech:
    vaditi `hamper, (v. se ) quarrel' [verb]
    Slovak:
    vadit' `hamper' [verb]
    Polish:
    wadzić (obs.) `annoy, hamper' [verb]
    Kashubian:
    vȧ̃ʒĭc `hamper' [verb]
    Slovene:
    váditi `report (someone), charge, (v. se ) quarrel' [verb], vȃdim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    vadìnti `call' [verb]
    Comments: If we derive * vaditi from * h₂uedh₂ (cf. Skt. vadi `speak, talk'), the *a can be attributed to Winter's law. This would rule out a connection with Lith. vadìnti `call', which is best derived from * uedʰ- `lead', cf. Latv. vadinât `lead, accompany, urge, lure', vedinât `urge, lure' (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 337, Būga RR II: 642). It seems to me that Ru. dial. vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend (time), deceive' cannot be separated from vodít' `lead' (Baltic influence?) and therefore does not belong to our etymon * vaditi.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. vádati `speak, talk' [verb];
    Hitt. u̯ātarnahh- [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vaditi

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