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as+was+expected

  • 1 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 2 ògn'ь

    ògn'ь Grammatical information: m. i / m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `fire'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 30-33
    Old Church Slavic:
    ognь `fire' [m i], ogni [Gens];
    ogn'ь `fire' [m jo], ognja [Gens]
    Russian:
    ogón' `fire' [m jo], ognjá [Gens];
    ogon' (N. dial.) `fire' [m? i], ogni [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    ohón' (dial.) `fire' [m jo], ohnjú [Gens];
    ohén' (dial.) `fire' [m i], ohný [Gens]
    Czech:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Polish:
    ogień `fire' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    vùo̯gȯu̯n `fire' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    woheń `fire' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    wogeń `fire' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    òganj `fire' [m jo], ògnja [Gens];
    Čak. ȍgań (Vrgada) `fire, hearth' [m jo], ȍgńa [Gens];
    Čak. ogáń (Novi) `fire' [m jo], ogńȁ [Gens];
    Čak. ugãnj (Orbanići) `fire' [m jo], ugnjȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    ógǝnj `fire' [m jo], ógnja [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    ógăn `fire' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ungnis
    Lithuanian:
    ugnìs `fire' [f i] 4
    Latvian:
    uguns `fire' [f i];
    uguns `fire' [m i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ngw-ni-
    Comments: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), * ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun * ungnis, where *- ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *vodà). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vỳgъn̨ь, vỳgъn̨a.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. agní- (RV+) `fire, Agni'
    ;
    Lat. ignis `fire'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ògn'ь

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