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arose+from

  • 1 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation : a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 2 erębь

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębь

  • 3 erębъ

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębъ

  • 4 erębъkъ

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębъkъ

  • 5 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 6 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 7 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 8 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 9 vodà

    vodà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `water'
    Old Church Slavic:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Russian:
    vodá `water' [f ā], vódu [Accs]
    Czech:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Polish:
    woda `water' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vòda `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Vrgada, Novi, Hvar) `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Orbanići) `water' [f ā], vȍdo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    vóda `water' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    vodá `water' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯ondōr
    Lithuanian:
    vanduõ `water' [m n] 3a
    Latvian:
    ûdens `water' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    wundan `water';
    unds `water'
    Indo-European reconstruction: The origin of *vodà is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- `water'. The fact that the etymon was not affected by Winter's law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of * voda continues the Gsg. * (v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun * vondōr, with a nasal infix originating from a suffix, as in Latv. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence ndn blocked Winter's law (cf. the regular acute in Lith. vanduõ). The vocalism * vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when *un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. -> * ogn'ь).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udán- (RV+) `water' [n];
    Hitt. u̯ātar `water' [n], u̯etenas [Gens];
    Gk. ὕδωρ `water' [n];
    Lat. unda `wave' [f];
    Go. wato `water' [n];
    OS watar `water' [n];
    OIc. vatn `water' [n]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vodà

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