aeneid

f., pl. rúnar: [rún, raun, reyna are all kindred words, and a lost strong verb, rúna, raun, meaning to enquire, may be presumed; the original notion is scrutiny, mystery, secret conversation; Gotb. runa, by which Ulf. several times renders the Gr. μυστήριον and συμβούλιον (once, Matth. xxvii. 1), βουλή (twice, Luke vii. 30, 1 Cor. iv. 5); A. S. rún = a ‘rowning’ mystery, but also = writing, charter; Hel. rûna = colloquium, and geruni = loquela (Schmeller); cp. Old Engl. to rown, Germ. raunen; Gr. ἐ-ρευνάω is also supposed to be a kindred word (Bugge). In Scandin. writers and poets rún is chiefly used of magical characters, then of writing, whereas the derivative word raun means trial, enquiry, and rúni and rúna = a friend or counsellor.]

B. A secret, hidden lore, mystery; frá jötna rúnum ok allra goða segðú it sannasta, Vþm. 42, 43; kenna rúnar, to teach wisdom, Rm. 33; dæma um rúnar ok regin-dóma, Hm. 112; minnask á fornar rúnar, Vsp. 59: saws, segja sannar rúnir, to tell true saws, Fas. ii. 302 (in a verse): a ‘rowning’ speech, vifs rúnir, a woman’s whispering, Bm.; heita e-n at rúnum, to consult one, Gh. 12, Skv. 3. 14, 43; hniga at rúnum, Gkv. 3. 4.

II. a Rune or written character; the earliest Runes were not writing in proper sense, but fanciful signs possessing a magical power; such Runes have, through vulgar superstition, been handed down even to the present time, for a specimen of them see Ísl. Þjóðs. i.435, 436, and Arna-Magn. Nos. 687. 4 to, and 434. 12 mo (Ísl. Þjóðs.pref. ix); the classical passages for these spell-Runes are, Hm. 133 sqq., Sdm. 5 sqq., Skm. 29, 36, Eg. ch. 44, 61, 75, Yngl. S. ch. 7, Grett. ch. 85, N. G. L. iii. 286, 300, Vsp. 59; cp. also the phrase, rísta trénið, Grág., Fs. 56. The phrase in the old Danish Ballads, kaste runer, to throw Rúnes, i. e. chips (see hlaut, hlautviðr), may be compared to the Lat. sortes, Mommsen’s Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 187, foot-note (Engl. Ed.), or the Sibylline leaves in the Aeneid.

2. Runes as writing;the word was first applied to the original Northern alphabet, which at an early time was derived from the common Phœnician, probably through Greek or Roman coins in the first centuries of our era. From these Runes were subsequently formed two alphabets, the old Scandinavian (whence again the Anglo-Saxon), as found on the Golden horn and the stone in Tune, and the later Scandinavian, in which the inscriptions in the greater number of the Swedish and Danish stone monuments are written, most being of the 10th (9th?) and following centuries.—A curious instance of the employment of Runes is their being written on a kefli (a round piece of wood) as messages (cp. the Gr. σκυτάλη), as is freq. recorded in the Sagas, e. g. Gísl. 45, 67, Fms. ix. 390, 490, Grett. 154 new Ed., Fb. i. 251 (of the deaf and dumb Oddny). It is doubtful whether poems were ever written in this way, for almost the only authority for such a statement is Eg. 605, where we read that the Sonatorrek was taken down on a Runic stick, the other instances being mostly from romances or fabulous Sagas, Grett. 144, Örvar Odds S.(fine). This writing on a kefli is mentioned in the Latin line, Barbara ‘fraxineis’ sculpatur runa ‘tabellis,’ Capella (5th century). In later times (from the 13th century) Runic writing was practised as a sort of curiosity; thus calendars used to be written on sticks, of which there is a specimen in the Bodl. Library in Oxford; they were also used for inscriptions on tombstones, spoons, chairs, and the like: there even exists in the Arna-Magn. Library a Runic MS. of an old Danish law, and there is a Runic letter in Sturl. (of the year 1241); Runes carved on an oar occur in Fs. 177: a hidden treasure in a chest is labelled with Runes, Fms. vi. 271, Sd. 146, cp. also the interesting record in Bs. i. 435 (sex manna bein vóru þar hjá honum ok vax ok rúnar þær er sögðu atburð lifláts þeirra).

3. the word rún is also, though rarely, applied to the Latin alphabet; ef hann er á þingi þá skal hann rísta nafn hans ef hann kann rúnar, N. G. L. i. 171; or generally, ræki ek eigi hvárt þú rítr ø þitt eðr o,  eða a, ę eða e, y eða u, en ek svara svá, eigi er þat rúnanna kostr þó at þú lesir vel eða ráðir vel at líkindum, þar sem rúnar visa óskírt, heldr er þat þinn kostr, Thorodd 162; þessi er upphaf allra hátta svá sem málrúnar eru fyrir öðrum minum, Edda (Ht.) 121.

III. in pr. names, Rún-ólfr: as the latter part in pr. names of women, Guð-rún, Sig-rún, Öl-rún, Landn., Nj., Bs., Sturl., Sæm.

COMPDS: rúnakefli, rúnamál, Rúnameistari, rúnastafr.

n. zoon van Anchises en Afrodite en de held van Virgils "Aeneid"

n. Virgil (70-19vChr) vroegere Romeinse dichter die het gedicht "Aeneid" schreef

nome proprio Enea

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nome proprio Enea

passim avv. (lat.) passim: vedi Virgilio, Eneide, passim, see Virgil, Aeneid, passim.

   Portugal's national epic poem of the Age of Discoveries, written by the nation's most celebrated poet, Luís de Camões. Published in 1572, toward the end of the adventurous life of Camões, Os Lusíadas is the most famous and most often-quoted piece of literature in Portugal. Modeled in part on the style and format of Virgil's Aeneid, Os Lusíadas is the story of Portugal's long history, and features an evocation of the Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama's epic discovery of the sea route from Portugal to Asia. Part of the epic poem was composed when Camões was in royal service in Portugal's Asian empire, including in Goa and Macau. While the dramatic framework is dominated by various deities from classical literature, much of what is described in Portugal, Africa, and Asia is real and accurately rendered by the classically educated (at Coimbra University) Camões, who witnessed both the apogee and the beginning of decline of Portugal's seaborne empire and world power.

   While the poet praises imperial power and greatness, Camões features a prescient naysayer: "The Old Man of Restelo," on the beach where Vasco da Gama is about to embark for Indian adventures, criticizes Portuguese expansion beyond Africa to Asia. Camões was questioning the high price of an Asian empire, and gave voice to those anti-imperialists and "Doubting Thomases" in the country who opposed more overseas expansion beyond Africa. It is interesting to note that in the Portuguese language usage and tradition since the establishment of The Lusiads as a national poem, "The Old Man of Restelo" ("O Velho do Restelo") came to symbolize not a wise Cassandra with timely warnings that Portugal would be fatally weakened by empire and might fall prey to neighboring Spain, but merely a Doubting Thomas in popular sentiment. The Lusiads soon became universally celebrated and accepted, and it has been translated into many languages. In the history of criticism in Portugal, more has been written about Camões and The Lusiads than about any other author or work in Portuguese literature, now more than a thousand years in the making.

εὐσέβεια, ας, ἡ (s. next entry and σέβομαι; Pre-Socr., Aeschyl. et al.; ins, pap as ‘piety, reverence, loyalty [exhibited towards parents or deities], fear of God’; opp. πονηρός Diod S 5, 79, 2; cp. Diog. L. 3, 83: the pious follow sacrificial custom and take care of temples; hence Aeneas is repeatedly called ‘pius’ in Vergil’s Aeneid, s. AMichels, ClJ 92, ’97, 399–416) in our lit. and in the LXX only of awesome respect accorded to God, devoutness, piety, godliness (Pla., Rep. 10, 615c εἰς θεούς [w. γονέας]; X., Cyr. 8, 1, 25; Posidon. 87 Fgm. 59, 107 περὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον; Diod S 4, 39, 1 εἰς τὸν θεόν; 7, 14, 6; 19, 7, 3; Epict., Ench. 31, 1 περὶ τ. θεούς; Herm. Wr. 4, 7 πρὸς τ. θεόν; ins [SIG and OGI indices]; UPZ 41, 10 [161/160 B.C.] πρὸς τὸ θεῖον; PHerm 52:19; PTebt 298, 45; PGiss 66, 10; LXX, esp. 4 Macc.; TestSol 8:9; TestJud 18:5; TestIss 7:5; EpArist 2; 42 πρὸς τ. θεὸν ἡμῶν al.; Philo, Deus Imm. 17 πρὸς θεόν; 69, Poster. Cai. 181; Jos., Ant. 18, 117, C. Ap. 1, 162 περὶ τὸ θεῖον [Ath. 28, 2; cp. 30, 3 περὶ αὐτούς]; Just., Ath. W. ἀνδρεία and σοφία Orig., C. Cels. 8, 17, 16; Theoph. Ant., Hippol.) ἰδίᾳ εὐσεβείᾳ by our own piety Ac 3:12; cp. διὰ τ. ἡμετέρας εὐ. 1 Cl 32:4. ἐν πάσῃ εὐ. in all piety 1 Ti 2:2; cp. 4:7f; 6:5f, 11. μετʼ εὐσεβείας in godliness (cp. 2 Macc 12:45) 1 Cl 15:1. τὰ πρὸς εὐσέβειαν what belongs to piety 2 Pt 1:3 (cp. Jos., Ant. 11, 120 τὰ πρὸς τ. θρησκείαν). ἔχειν μόρφωσιν εὐσεβείας have the outward form of godliness=be devout only in appearance 2 Ti 3:5 (cp. Philo, Plant. 70 εἰσί τινες τῶν ἐπιμορφαζόντων εὐσέβειαν). W. φιλοξενία 1 Cl 11:1. Godliness as a result of steadfastness and cause of brotherly love 2 Pt 1:6f (on the list of virtues cp. Lucian, Somn. 10; OGI 438, Dssm. LO 270 [LAE 322]). ἡ ἐν Χριστῷ εὐ. Christian piety 1 Cl 1:2. περὶ τὴν εὐ. φιλοπονεῖν show a concern for piety 2 Cl 19:1.—Respect for deity, devotion (Diod S 16, 60, 3; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 60) ἡ κατʼ εὐσέβειαν διδασκαλία teaching that is in accordance with godliness 1 Ti 6:3; ἡ ἀλήθεια ἡ κατʼ εὐ. Tit 1:1. τὸ τῆς εὐ. μυστήριον the key to our piety or the secret of our devotion to God 1 Ti 3:16 (s. MMassinger, Biblioth. Sacra 96, ’40, 479–89).—Pl. godly acts 2 Pt 3:11 (cp. PGM 13, 717; Just., D. 47, 2).—OKern, D. Rel. der Griechen I 1926, 273–90; FBräuninger, Unters. zu d. Schriften des Hermes Trismeg., diss. Berlin 1926, esp. on εὐσέβεια and γνῶσις; FTillmann, Past. Bonus 53, ’42, 129–36; 161–65 (‘Frömmigkeit’ in den Pastoralbr.); WFoerster, NTS 5, ’59, 213–18 (Pastorals). S. ὅσιος, end.—B. 1462. Larfeld I 496. DELG s.v. σέβομαι. M-M. TW. Sv.

ὕπνος, ου, ὁ (Hom.+) sleep lit. Mt 1:24; GJs 14:2 (a divine command in sleep, as e.g. ChronLind D, 68f; Diod S 1, 53, 9 Hephaestus κατʼ ὕπνον; 5, 51, 4); Lk 9:32; J 11:13; καταφερόμενος ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ Ac 20:9a (Longus 1, 22, 3; =sopor altus Vergil, Aeneid 8, 27); cp. 9b; sim. AcPl Ha 3, 26. Also in imagery (oft. Philo) ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι wake from sleep, i.e. bid farewell to the works of darkness Ro 13:11 (for ἐξ ὕπνου cp. Appian, Liby. 21 §88).—DELG. M-M. TW.