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EWAia

  • 1 čerdà

    čerdà; čérdъ Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `file, herd'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 60-63
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěda `order, herd' [f ā]
    Russian:
    čeredá `sequence, file, bur-marigold, (obs.) turn, (dial.) herd of cattle' [f ā], čeredú [Accs];
    čeredá (dial.) `sequence, turn' [f ā], čéredu [Accs];
    čerëd `turn, (coll.) queue' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    čéred `turn' [m o]
    Czech:
    třída `row, turn, street' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čřieda `herd' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzoda `herd' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    czrzoda `herd' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    střȯ́u̯dă `herd' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    črjóda `multitude' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čréda `turn, sequence' [f ā];
    Čak. črīdȁ (Vrgada: obs.) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā];
    Čak. črēdȁ (Novi) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā], črȇdu [Accs]
    Slovene:
    črẹ́da `flock, herd, row' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    čerdá `herd (of cattle)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)kerdaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    (s)ker̃džius `herdsman, shepherd' [m ju]
    Old Prussian:
    kērdan `time' [Accs]
    Indo-European reconstruction: On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)ḱerdʰ-eh₂. The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned below is dubious (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).
    Page in Pokorny: 579
    Other cognates:
    Skt. śárdha- `host (of Maruts)'
    ;
    Skt. śárdhas- `troop, host (of Maruts)' [n];
    Av. sarǝđa- [m or n] `kind, nature';
    Go. haírda [f ā].
    Notes:
    \{1\} The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms is dubious, however (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čerdà

  • 2 čerdъ

    čerdà; čérdъ Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `file, herd'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 60-63
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěda `order, herd' [f ā]
    Russian:
    čeredá `sequence, file, bur-marigold, (obs.) turn, (dial.) herd of cattle' [f ā], čeredú [Accs];
    čeredá (dial.) `sequence, turn' [f ā], čéredu [Accs];
    čerëd `turn, (coll.) queue' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    čéred `turn' [m o]
    Czech:
    třída `row, turn, street' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čřieda `herd' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzoda `herd' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    czrzoda `herd' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    střȯ́u̯dă `herd' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    črjóda `multitude' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čréda `turn, sequence' [f ā];
    Čak. črīdȁ (Vrgada: obs.) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā];
    Čak. črēdȁ (Novi) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā], črȇdu [Accs]
    Slovene:
    črẹ́da `flock, herd, row' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    čerdá `herd (of cattle)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)kerdaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    (s)ker̃džius `herdsman, shepherd' [m ju]
    Old Prussian:
    kērdan `time' [Accs]
    Indo-European reconstruction: On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)ḱerdʰ-eh₂. The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned below is dubious (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).
    Page in Pokorny: 579
    Other cognates:
    Skt. śárdha- `host (of Maruts)'
    ;
    Skt. śárdhas- `troop, host (of Maruts)' [n];
    Av. sarǝđa- [m or n] `kind, nature';
    Go. haírda [f ā].
    Notes:
    \{1\} The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms is dubious, however (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čerdъ

  • 3 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 4 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 5 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 6 ἀθρόος

    Grammatical information: adj.
    Meaning: `in crowds, crowded together' (Il.).
    Dialectal forms: Att. ἁθρόος (spiritus asper restored after ἅπας, ἅμα?)
    Derivatives: ἀθροίζω (ἁ-) `gather together' (Archil.)
    Origin: XX [etym. unknown]
    Etymology: Compared with Skt. sadhry-àñc- `directed to one goal' (Brugmann Totalität 14ff.); formerly analyzed as containing the root * dʰer- `hold', but this is no longer maintained by EWAia. (not to ἀθρέω, θρόνος). ἁ- \< *sm̥- is convincing, but further uncertain. - Risch Wortbild.179 compares ἀλλό-θροος (so `calling together'?).
    Page in Frisk: 1,29

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > ἀθρόος

  • 7 αἰγανέη

    Grammatical information: f.
    Meaning: `hunting spear, javelin' (Il.).
    Origin: XX [etym. unknown]
    Etymology: For the suffix cf. the names of trees and animal skins in - έη, - έα, μηλέη, πτελέη, κυνέη usw. (Chantr. Form. 91f.). If named after the material, one compares `oak' PGm. * aik-, PIE * aig-, supposed also in αἰγίλωψ (q.v.) and Lat. aesculus; Schrader KZ 30, 461f. Trümpy Krieger. Fachausdrücke 52, 57 explains that it was thrown by a strap; further Vretska Gymnasium 61, 1954, 419. On that basis, Laser Gymnasium 60 (1953) 115-121 connects it with PIE * h₂eig- `move (oneself)', Skt. éjati, for which αἶγες κύματα (s. αἴξ) is compared. Improbable; if ej- belongs to iṅg- ( EWAia I\/264), the root had a labio-velar, which makes the connection impossible. To αἰχμή Bechtel Lex.
    Page in Frisk: 1,30

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > αἰγανέη

  • 8 αἴξ

    αἴξ, αἰγός
    Grammatical information: f.
    Meaning: `goat' rarely m. `he-goat' (Il.). Also a waterbird (Janzén [s. below] 17), a meteor (Arist.) and a star (Aratos).
    Dialectal forms: Myc. aikipta \/aigi-pa(s)tās\/ ? `goatherd'; aikipode, interpr. uncertain
    Compounds: αἰπόλος `goatherd' \< *αἰγ-πολος s. s.v. πέλω (cf. Meier-Brügger Gr. Sprachw. 1, 92). αἰγί-βοτος `browsed by goats' (Od.) Unclear αἰπόλος κάπηλος παρὰ Κυπρίοις H (see Leumann Hom. W. 271ff; to be rejected Latte's corr. ἀί- = ἀεί).
    Derivatives: αἰγίς `goatskin', q.v.;
    Origin: IE [Indo-European]X [probably] [13] *h₂eiǵ-
    Etymology: The compounds in - ι- are unexplained (unclear Heubeck IF 69 (1963) 13-21); old is in any case the type αἰπόλος. αἴξ is cognate with Arm. ayc `goat' (i-stem); see Clackson 88-90, who reconstructs, with Meillet, *h₂eiǵ-ih₂. Zero grade is mostly supposed in Av. ī̆zaēna- `of leather', but it is not certain that it refers to the skin of a goat. If the connection is correct, the word would be IE; the word is often considered as an Anatolian loanword in both Greek and Armenian. - See A. Janzén Bock und Ziege (GHÅ 43 [1937: 5]) 9ff.and EIEC s.v. - The gloss αἶγες τὰ κύματα, Δωριεῖς H. may be a metaphor, s. αἰγιαλός. In Greek geogr. names ( Αἰγαί, Αἰγαῖος, Αἴγινα etc.) we may have not the word for `goat', Sommer IF 55, 259f. (Pre-Greek), V. Burr Nostrum mare (Würzb. Stud. zur Altertumswiss.) Stuttgart 1932. Connection with * h₂eig- as `to jump' is rejected by Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 264 as éjati had a labio-velar (also it does not mean `jump'). Not to Skt. ajá- `goat'.
    Page in Frisk: 1,41-42

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > αἴξ

  • 9 αἰγός

    αἴξ, αἰγός
    Grammatical information: f.
    Meaning: `goat' rarely m. `he-goat' (Il.). Also a waterbird (Janzén [s. below] 17), a meteor (Arist.) and a star (Aratos).
    Dialectal forms: Myc. aikipta \/aigi-pa(s)tās\/ ? `goatherd'; aikipode, interpr. uncertain
    Compounds: αἰπόλος `goatherd' \< *αἰγ-πολος s. s.v. πέλω (cf. Meier-Brügger Gr. Sprachw. 1, 92). αἰγί-βοτος `browsed by goats' (Od.) Unclear αἰπόλος κάπηλος παρὰ Κυπρίοις H (see Leumann Hom. W. 271ff; to be rejected Latte's corr. ἀί- = ἀεί).
    Derivatives: αἰγίς `goatskin', q.v.;
    Origin: IE [Indo-European]X [probably] [13] *h₂eiǵ-
    Etymology: The compounds in - ι- are unexplained (unclear Heubeck IF 69 (1963) 13-21); old is in any case the type αἰπόλος. αἴξ is cognate with Arm. ayc `goat' (i-stem); see Clackson 88-90, who reconstructs, with Meillet, *h₂eiǵ-ih₂. Zero grade is mostly supposed in Av. ī̆zaēna- `of leather', but it is not certain that it refers to the skin of a goat. If the connection is correct, the word would be IE; the word is often considered as an Anatolian loanword in both Greek and Armenian. - See A. Janzén Bock und Ziege (GHÅ 43 [1937: 5]) 9ff.and EIEC s.v. - The gloss αἶγες τὰ κύματα, Δωριεῖς H. may be a metaphor, s. αἰγιαλός. In Greek geogr. names ( Αἰγαί, Αἰγαῖος, Αἴγινα etc.) we may have not the word for `goat', Sommer IF 55, 259f. (Pre-Greek), V. Burr Nostrum mare (Würzb. Stud. zur Altertumswiss.) Stuttgart 1932. Connection with * h₂eig- as `to jump' is rejected by Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 264 as éjati had a labio-velar (also it does not mean `jump'). Not to Skt. ajá- `goat'.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > αἰγός

  • 10 ἄκμων

    ἄκμων, - ονος
    Grammatical information: m.
    Meaning: `anvil' (Il.), also `meteoric stone' (Hes. Th. 722), = οὑρανός η σίδηρον H., = ἀλετρίβανος (`pestle'), Κύπριοι H.
    Compounds: ἀκμό-θε-τον n. (Hom.) `basis of an anvil', with the root of τίθημι.
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [19] *h₂eḱmōn `stone'
    Etymology: Old word for `stone', found in several languages: Skt. áśman- m. `stone, heaven(?)' (a stone vault?, Reichelt IF 32, 23ff., Fraenkel KZ 63, 183f., cf. ἄκμων `meteoric stone' and `heaven'); Av. asman- `stone, heaven', OP. asman- `heaven'; Lith. akmuõ, -eñs `stone' (with regular depalatalization before m; ãšmens `sharp side, edge' with aš- from other positions). - The relation of these words to OCS kamy, - ene `stone' and the Germanic group ON hamarr `hammer' (orig. of stone) is much discussed. One supposes the root aḱ- `sharp' in ἀκή etc. On these questions see the lit. in Mayrh. EWAia 1.137, e.g. Maher, JIES 1 (1973) 441ff. and EIEC 547.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > ἄκμων

  • 11 ἀλθαίνω

    ἀλθαίνω, - ομαι
    Grammatical information: v.
    Meaning: `become whole and sound' (Hp.)
    Derivatives: The fut. ἀλθέξομαι (Aret.) perh. formed after its opposite πυρέξομαι of πυρέσσω (but Chantr. comments: "l'hypothése reste en l'air"; cf. συναλθάσσομαι; ἄλθεξις. On these forms Van Brock, Vocab. médical 198 - 207 ("capricieuses formations", all late). ἀλθεστήρια `medicine' (Nic.), cf. χαριστήρια, etc. (Chantr. Form. 63f.). - ἀλθαία plant name `marsh mallow', Thphr.; cf. Strömberg Pflanzennamen 81 (partly incorrect). On Ἄλθηπος, also Ἄλθηφος, Bechtel Hermes 56, 228 and the mythical name Άλθαία, s. below.
    Origin: IE [Indo-European]X [probably] [26] * h₂el- `grow'
    Etymology: Άλθαίνω is connected with the root in ἄναλτος (q.v.) (Schwyzer 703 β). Cf. ἀλδαίνω. Chantr. notes that the word is originally used of the growth of damaged tissue; he translates ἄλθετο χείρ with "le bras se guérit". - However, the meaning `heal' is not evidently connected with ἀλ- `grow, feed'; the glosses give systematically the meaning `heal' etc.; θεραπεία means also `medical or surgical treatment'; θερμασία is less clear (false reading?); αὔξει also deviates (is it for ἀλδαίνω?). - The name Ἄλθηπ\/ φος is clearly Pre-Greek (cf. the river Αἴσηπος); so may be Άλθαία (the suffix - αια, - εια is also known in Pre-Greek); but we cannot be sure that the names belong to the verb. - An alternative etymology connects Skt. r̥dhnóti `obtain luckily', Rix MSS 27 (1970) 88 and Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 118.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > ἀλθαίνω

  • 12 ἀμάομαι

    Grammatical information: v.
    Meaning: `draw (milk), gather' (Od.)
    Other forms: Act. ἀμάω only late.
    Derivatives: ἄμη `shovel' (Ar.), `hod' inscr., `water-bucket, pail' (Plu.; Lat. hama, Cato), `spade' (Gp.); prob. derived from the verb, not the other way round; from here ἁμίς f. `chamber-pot' (Hp.).
    Origin: XX [etym. unknown]
    Etymology: Mostly connected with ἄμη, but even this seems not quite certain (Schulze Q. Ep. 365 n. 3 and Solmsen Beitr. 195 separate them). As the basic meaning of the verb and of ἄμη is unclear, the etym. is uncertain. - It has further been connected with ἀμνίον (q.v.) and ἄντλος (q.v.); also ἄμαλλα (q. v.) has been suggested; all uncertain (as ἄμαλλα means `sheaf', this can hardly be connected if ἀμάομαι is used primarily of water, liquids). Cf. Bechtel Lexil., Solmsen Wortforschung 180ff., WP. 2, 487, 489ff. - Connection with Skt. ámatram `vase' is also quite uncertain (unsatisfactory EWAia; words for vases mostly have no etym.). One has further connected Lith. semiù, sémti `scoop, ladle' with sámtis `ladle' (root * semH-); further Lat. sentīna `bilge-water' has been compared (s. ἄντλος). The meaning was no doubt originally technical, i.e. specific, so it should not (also) be connected with ἅμα.
    See also: Cf. ἀμάω; note that DELG has the present lemma s.v. 2. ἀμάω.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > ἀμάομαι

  • 13 ἀ̄χήν

    ἀ̄χήν, - ῆνος
    Grammatical information: m.
    Meaning: `poor' Theocr.).
    Other forms: ἀεχῆνες πένητες H. due to folk etymology (α privativum and ἔχω).
    Dialectal forms: Ion.-Att. ἠχῆνες κενοί, πτωχοί H.
    Derivatives: ἀχηνία `poverty, lack' (A.), with short α- after the negation. Other formation in ἀχηνεῖς κενοί H.; verb ἠχ-άνω πτωχεύω Suid. (read *ἰ̄χάνω ?, s. below). Also ἀχαιος (IG 3, 1385)?
    Origin: PG [a word of Pre-Greek origin]
    Etymology: One connects ἰ̄χανάω `desire' (Hom.); not with ἴχαρ (A.) which has short ι-. In Indo-Iranian seem to correspond Skt. ī́hate `desire', Av. izyeiti `strive, long for', and Av. āzi- m. `desire' etc. Cf. Wackernagel Verm. Beiträge 11f. This could continue *h₂eh₂ǵh- with *h₂i-h₂h₂ǵh-. But if Av. aēzah `desire' belongs there (*Heiǵh-), Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 273, the Greek form cannot be connected. - Toch. A ākāl, B akālk `desire' are now supposed to be Iranian loans. - Szemerényi, Gnomon 43, 1971, 659 proposes that it is indeed from ἀ-εχ-; doubtful. If an IE etym. is unknown, the word might be Pre-Gr. (Chantr. Form. 166: "vocabulaire technique et populaire"; "cette fois encore il semble s'e:tre produit une collision entre un suffixe indo-européen et une finale méditerranéenne"; IE adjectives in - ην, - ηνος are hardly known, ibid.); but the suffix is well-known in Pre-Gr., Fur. 172 n. 118 (cf. ἀτμήν).
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > ἀ̄χήν

  • 14 βάρβαρος

    βάρβαρος, - ον
    Grammatical information: subst. m. and adj.
    Meaning: `foreign(er), non-Greek', also `uncivilised, raw' (Ion.-Att.; βαρβαρόφωνος (Il.).
    Derivatives: 1. βαρβαρίζω `behave like a b.', `side with the b. = Persians' (Hdt.).2. βαρβαρόομαι `become a b.' (S.).
    Origin: ONOM [onomatopoia, and other elementary formations]
    Etymology: Onomatopoetic redupl. formation, identical with Skt. (postved.) barbara- `stammer', pl. of non-aryan peoples. Thus Sumer. barbar `foreigner', but Acc. barbaru means `wolf'. Hardly from Babyl.-Sumer. origin. From βάρβαρος Lat. barbarus. Originally refers to the language, s. Schwyzer 78. - Comparable formations in other I.-Eur. languages Pok. 91f., Mayrhofer EWAia 2, 217 balbalā-.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > βάρβαρος

  • 15 βέλτερος

    Grammatical information: adj.
    Meaning: `better, the best' (Il.)
    Other forms: βελτίων (posthom.); superlative βέλτατος (A.), βέλτιστος (Att.)
    Dialectal forms: Dor. (Theoc.) βέντιστος (λτ \> ντ)
    Derivatives: From βελτίων: βελτιόω (Ph.). - On ἀβέλτεροςs.s.v.
    Origin: IE [Indo-European]X [probably] [96] * bel- `strong'.
    Etymology: Mostly connected with Skt. bálam n. `force', Lat. dē-bilis `without power', OCS boljьjь `bigger' etc. But the formation is unclear, notably the - τ-. Seiler Steigerungsformen 91ff. assumes a *βελτός `desired' \> `better' (but hardly to βούλομαι because of the β-, but cf. Cret. δέλτον ἀγαθόν Phot.). On bálam etc. see however the discussion in Mayrhofer EWAia 2, 215
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > βέλτερος

  • 16 βίᾱ

    βίᾱ
    Grammatical information: f.
    Meaning: `strength, force' (Il.).
    Dialectal forms: Ion. βίη
    Compounds: ὑπέρβιος (Il.), ἀντίβιος (Il.) etc.
    Derivatives: βίαιος `violent' (Od.); βιατά̄ς m. `strong' (Alkm.). Denom. Verb βιάομαι, βιάω (Il.), βιάζομαι, βιάζω (Il). βιασμός (Eup.), βιαστήρ (Gorg.) `violent man', βιαστικός `using violence' (Pl.). - βινέω s. v.
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [469] * gʷei- `conquer, force'
    Etymology: Identical with Skt. jáyati `conquer'; therefore one reconstructs * gʷei-. Not to Skt. j(i)yā́ `robbery'?, as Av. ziiā points to *ǵh-; Mayrh. EWAia 1, 574.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > βίᾱ

  • 17 γλουτός

    Grammatical information: m.
    Meaning: `buttock', du. (X.) and pl. (Il.).
    Other forms: γλουτά (sch. Theoc. 6,30).
    Derivatives: γλούτια `id.', also medullary tubercles near the pineal gland of the brain (Gal.). γλουθίον dimin.?
    Origin: PG [a word of Pre-Greek origin]X [probably]
    Etymology: Compared with Sloven. glûta, glúta `lump, swelling' (if \< * glout-); further OE clud m. `mass of stone, rock', which is semantically less evident, NEng. cloud (with. ū). Without t-suffix Ved. glaú-ḥ m. `round lump, wen-like excrescence' (with long diphthong); s. Mayrh. EWAia 1, 511. Schwyzer 501 n. 10, 577 n. 11 considers secondary τ(ο)-suffix (cf. πρωκτός) - The IE material (Pok. 361) is not very convincing; "Buntes Material" says Frisk. - If the - θ- is reliable, rather Pre-Greek.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > γλουτός

  • 18 γνύξ

    Grammatical information: adv.
    Meaning: `with bent knee' (Il.; Erbse Glotta 32, 240ff.).
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [380] *ǵenu- `knee'
    Etymology: From γόνυ (s. v.) with zero grade and analogal -ξ after πύξ, λάξ etc. (Schwyzer 620). The zero grade of γόνυ and πίπτειν was also seen in some other forms from H. which in fact appear to contain another root, s. γνυπ(ε)τ-. The zero grade of γόνυ is found in πρόχνυ `kneeling' and metaph. `utterly' (Il.); the aspiration is not well explained; cf. Av. fra-šnu- `with the knees forward', Mayrhofer, EWAia 1, 585. The zero grade prob. also in Hitt. ganut.
    Page in Frisk: 1,317

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > γνύξ

  • 19 γῡπη

    γῡ́πη
    Grammatical information: f.
    Meaning: κοίλωμα γῆς, θαλάμη, γωνία. `hole' (Call. Aet. Oxy. 2080, 73).
    Origin: SU Eur.
    Etymology: Connected with Germanic word for `room, cave etc.', ONo kofi, OE cofa, NHG Koben etc. These words may be Eur. substratum words, Beekes KZ 109 (1996)223-227. Aw. gufra- `deep' is prob. unrelated, s. Mayrhofer EWAia s. gabhīráḥ. - On γυπάριον s. γύψ.
    Page in Frisk: 1,335

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > γῡπη

  • 20 δέω 2

    δέω 2.
    Grammatical information: v.
    Meaning: `miss, want, need', δέομαι also `ask'.
    Other forms: δέομαι (Ion.-Att.), δεύω, δεύομαι (Aeol., ep. Il.), unpers. δεῖ, δεύει, aor. δεῆσαι, δεηθῆναι, ep. ἐδεύησεν (ι 483 = 540; δῆσεν Σ 100, if correct, innov. to δεῖ), fut. δευήσομαι
    Derivatives: δέησις `need, request' (Att.) with δεητικός (Arist.), δέημα `request' (Ar. Ach. 1059). To ἐπιδέω, - ομαι, ἐπιδεύομαι `need': ἐπιδεής, ἐπιδευής `in need of' (Schwyzer 513); to ἐνδέω, ἐνδεῖ, ἐνδέομαι `need': ἐνδεής (Ion.- Att.) with ἔνδεια (Att., \< *ἐνδέεια), ἐνδέημα (pap.).
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [??] * deu(s)- `miss, want, need'
    Etymology: δέω, δεύω can be from *δέϜ-ω, but probably also from *δεύσ-ω (on the phonetics Schwyzer 348). In the latter case we can connect directly Skt. doṣa- `lack' \< IE * douso-. ( δεύτερος, - τατος must then be innovations on δεύω etc.) (Uncertain Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 749 s.v. doṣ-.) Perhaps here δυσ-. Uncertain δηρός. - On δεῖ s. Goodell Class. Quart. 8, 91ff., Bernardette, Glotta 43 (1965) 285ff.
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    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > δέω 2

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