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  • 81 divagar

    v.
    1 to digress.
    2 to let one's mind wander, to be vague, to moon around, to talk vaguely.
    * * *
    Conjugation model [ LLEGAR], like link=llegar llegar
    1 to digress, ramble
    * * *
    VI
    1) (=salirse del tema) to digress

    ¡no divagues! — get on with it!, come to the point!

    2) (=hablar vagamente) to ramble
    * * *
    verbo intransitivo
    a) ( desviarse del tema) to digress
    b) ( hablar sin sentido) to ramble
    * * *
    = ramble, digress, meander, drift off, wander off + track, wander off + topic, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent.
    Ex. Because by now comparative librarianship has a well-developed methodology, he does not have to waste his effort by rambling.
    Ex. But let me digress for a moment.
    Ex. They are mixed up as the talk meanders about, apparently without conscious pattern.
    Ex. The study loses track of its argument at times and drifts off into analyses of the peacemaking process that are not relevant.
    Ex. You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.
    Ex. Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.
    Ex. The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex. If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex. The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.
    Ex. 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex. There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.
    ----
    * divagar sobre varios temas = roam over + topics.
    * * *
    verbo intransitivo
    a) ( desviarse del tema) to digress
    b) ( hablar sin sentido) to ramble
    * * *
    = ramble, digress, meander, drift off, wander off + track, wander off + topic, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent.

    Ex: Because by now comparative librarianship has a well-developed methodology, he does not have to waste his effort by rambling.

    Ex: But let me digress for a moment.
    Ex: They are mixed up as the talk meanders about, apparently without conscious pattern.
    Ex: The study loses track of its argument at times and drifts off into analyses of the peacemaking process that are not relevant.
    Ex: You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.
    Ex: Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.
    Ex: The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex: If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex: The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.
    Ex: 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex: There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.
    * divagar sobre varios temas = roam over + topics.

    * * *
    divagar [A3 ]
    vi
    to digress
    el conferenciante empezó a divagar the speaker began to go off at a tangent o go off the point o disgress
    déjate de divagar stop straying o wandering off the subject o going off the point
    había tomado mucho vino y ya empezaba a divagar he'd drunk a lot of wine and he was starting to ramble
    * * *

    divagar ( conjugate divagar) verbo intransitivo


    divagar verbo intransitivo to digress, wander
    ' divagar' also found in these entries:
    English:
    ramble
    * * *
    to ramble;
    deja ya de divagar y ve al grano stop rambling and get to the point;
    cuando se pone a divagar no hay quien lo aguante he's unbearable when he starts to ramble on
    * * *
    v/i digress
    * * *
    divagar {52} vi
    : to digress

    Spanish-English dictionary > divagar

  • 82 irse por la tangente

    (v.) = wander off + track, wander off + topic, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent
    Ex. You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.
    Ex. Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.
    Ex. The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex. If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex. The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.
    Ex. 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex. There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.
    * * *
    (v.) = wander off + track, wander off + topic, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent

    Ex: You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.

    Ex: Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.
    Ex: The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex: If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex: The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.
    Ex: 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex: There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.

    Spanish-English dictionary > irse por la tangente

  • 83 picante

    adj.
    1 spicy, hot (food).
    2 saucy (chiste, comedia).
    m.
    1 spicy food (food).
    2 spiciness, piquancy, raciness.
    * * *
    1 (comida) hot
    2 figurado (chiste, película) spicy
    1 (comida) hot food
    2 (sabor) hot flavour
    * * *
    adj.
    hot, spicy
    * * *
    1. ADJ
    1) (=que pica) [comida, sabor] hot, spicy; [vino] tart, sour
    2) (=malicioso) [comentario] sharp, cutting; [chiste] dirty; [comedia, película] naughty, spicy; [persona] naughty
    2. SM
    1) (Culin)
    a) (=especia) chilli
    b) And, Cono Sur (=guisado) meat stew with chilli sauce
    2) (=picardía) [en persona] zip, zest; [en chiste, situación] piquancy
    3) pl picantes Esp ** (=calcetines) socks
    * * *
    I
    a) (Coc) < comida> hot
    b) <chiste/libro> risqué; < comedia> racy
    II
    a) (Coc) hot spices (pl)

    el médico le ha prohibido el picante or los picantes — his doctor has told him not to eat spicy food

    b) (Chi, Per) ( guiso) spicy meat stew
    * * *
    = piquant, salty [saltier -comp., saltiest -sup.], racy [racier -comp., raciest -sup.], fiery [fierier -comp., fieriest -sup.], risqué, bawdy [bawdier -comp., bawdiest -sup.], pungent, spicy [spicier -comp., spiciest -sup.], saucy [saucier -comp., sauciest -sup.], tangy [tangier - comp., tangiest -sup.], nippy [nippier -comp., nippiest -sup.].
    Ex. The causes of this interest differ from one man to another; it may be the beautiful, the terrible, the awe-inspiring, the exhilarating, the pathetic, the comic, or the merely piquant.
    Ex. Serious questions which face us may often be better understood when a modicum of salty satire is applied.
    Ex. Today, nudity, sex, and excessive violence are not an issue and even the raciest films would garner a PG-13 rating from the Motion Picture Association of America, and most are even tamer than that.
    Ex. In the end, his crude language and fiery personality limited him to the role of redneck poltergeist.
    Ex. However, some of the central premises of the film are flawed, and the risqué touches, whether racial or erotic innuendo, are primarily there to titillate and make the film seem hot and controversial.
    Ex. Their secondary aim was to print piratical, scurrilous and bawdy material for the people of Dublin.
    Ex. The studies reported here addressed the question of whether the pungent element in chilies, capsaicin, suppresses taste and flavor intensity.
    Ex. The odour impression was a very pleasant spearmint, with green, floral, fruity, and spicy sidenote.
    Ex. Although some British seaside resorts still sell saucy postcards, they are not as popular as they used to be.
    Ex. The most boring meal can be pepped up with spicy and tangy herbs.
    Ex. Blend cream cheese with prepared horseradish for a nippy taste.
    ----
    * poner un poquito de picante = pep up.
    * rábano picante = horseradish.
    * * *
    I
    a) (Coc) < comida> hot
    b) <chiste/libro> risqué; < comedia> racy
    II
    a) (Coc) hot spices (pl)

    el médico le ha prohibido el picante or los picantes — his doctor has told him not to eat spicy food

    b) (Chi, Per) ( guiso) spicy meat stew
    * * *
    = piquant, salty [saltier -comp., saltiest -sup.], racy [racier -comp., raciest -sup.], fiery [fierier -comp., fieriest -sup.], risqué, bawdy [bawdier -comp., bawdiest -sup.], pungent, spicy [spicier -comp., spiciest -sup.], saucy [saucier -comp., sauciest -sup.], tangy [tangier - comp., tangiest -sup.], nippy [nippier -comp., nippiest -sup.].

    Ex: The causes of this interest differ from one man to another; it may be the beautiful, the terrible, the awe-inspiring, the exhilarating, the pathetic, the comic, or the merely piquant.

    Ex: Serious questions which face us may often be better understood when a modicum of salty satire is applied.
    Ex: Today, nudity, sex, and excessive violence are not an issue and even the raciest films would garner a PG-13 rating from the Motion Picture Association of America, and most are even tamer than that.
    Ex: In the end, his crude language and fiery personality limited him to the role of redneck poltergeist.
    Ex: However, some of the central premises of the film are flawed, and the risqué touches, whether racial or erotic innuendo, are primarily there to titillate and make the film seem hot and controversial.
    Ex: Their secondary aim was to print piratical, scurrilous and bawdy material for the people of Dublin.
    Ex: The studies reported here addressed the question of whether the pungent element in chilies, capsaicin, suppresses taste and flavor intensity.
    Ex: The odour impression was a very pleasant spearmint, with green, floral, fruity, and spicy sidenote.
    Ex: Although some British seaside resorts still sell saucy postcards, they are not as popular as they used to be.
    Ex: The most boring meal can be pepped up with spicy and tangy herbs.
    Ex: Blend cream cheese with prepared horseradish for a nippy taste.
    * poner un poquito de picante = pep up.
    * rábano picante = horseradish.

    * * *
    A
    1 ( Coc) ‹comida› hot
    esto está picantísimo this is really hot!
    2 ‹chiste/libro› risqué; ‹comedia› racy
    B ( Chi fam pey) ‹persona/lugar› common ( colloq pej); ‹música› trashy ( colloq)
    A
    1 ( Coc) hot spices (pl)
    le has puesto demasiado picante a la sopa you've made the soup too hot o too peppery
    el médico le ha prohibido el picante or los picantes his doctor has told him not to eat spicy food
    2
    (ingenio, malicia): la obra es un poco sosa, le falta un poco de picante the play is a bit dull, it needs something to spice it up a little
    3 (Chi, Per) ( Coc) (guiso) spicy meat stew
    B
    * * *

    picante adjetivo
    a) (Coc) ‹ comida› hot

    b) ‹chiste/libro› risqué;

    ‹ comedia› racy
    picante
    I adjetivo
    1 (comida) hot, spicy
    2 fig (espectáculo, comentario) risqué, racy
    II sustantivo masculino
    1 (alimentos) hot spices pl: le han prohibido el picante, he has been told not to eat spicy food
    2 (sabor) hot taste
    ' picante' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    pimentón
    - chiste
    - daño
    - picar
    English:
    fiery
    - horseradish
    - hot
    - juicy
    - pungent
    - racy
    - sausage
    - spice
    - spicy
    - horse
    - raunchy
    * * *
    ♦ adj
    1. [comida] spicy, hot
    2. [chiste, comedia] saucy
    3. Chile Fam [ordinario] common;
    se fue a vivir a un barrio picante she went to live in a downmarket area
    ♦ nm
    1. [salsa] hot sauce;
    le puso demasiado picante she made it too hot o spicy;
    me gusta el picante I like spicy food
    2. Andes [guiso] spicy meat stew
    3. Chile Fam [ordinario] pleb;
    son unos picantes they're plebs
    * * *
    I adj
    1 comida hot, spicy
    2 chiste risqué
    II m hot spice
    * * *
    picante adj
    1) : hot, spicy
    2) : sharp, cutting
    3) : racy, risqué
    1) : spiciness
    2) : hot spices pl, hot sauce
    * * *
    picante adj hot [comp. hotter; superl. hottest] / spicy [comp. spicier; superl. spiciest]

    Spanish-English dictionary > picante

  • 84 salirse por la tangente

    (=hacer una digresión) to go off at a tangent; (=esquivar una pregunta) to dodge the issue
    * * *
    (v.) = go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, wander off + track, wander off + topic
    Ex. The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.
    Ex. 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex. There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.
    Ex. The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex. If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex. You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.
    Ex. Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.
    * * *
    (v.) = go off + the track, get off + the track, fly off on + a tangent, go off on + a tangent, go off at + a tangent, wander off + track, wander off + topic

    Ex: The Commission, however, goes off the track with its structural and institutional recommendations on how to ensure the long-term availability of public information resources = No obstante, la Comisión se sale por la tangente con sus recomendaciones estructurales e institucionales sobre cómo asegurar la disponibilidad a largo plazo de los recursos de información pública.

    Ex: 'This discussion is getting off the track,' he said politely = "Esta discusión se está saliendo por la tangente", dijo cortésmente.
    Ex: There's a real danger of flying off on a tangent while writing about this as it for once is purely about politics and there's 'nowt' as controversial as that.
    Ex: The book encourages the reader to go off on a tangent and wander from thought to thought endlessly.
    Ex: If you go off at tangents, you could end up with pointless discussions about the best car to buy, the public transport alternatives, etc.
    Ex: You may find that it is easy to find ourself wandering off track, following something that really interests you, and ultimately not answering the question.
    Ex: Occasional wandering off topic is allowed, but should be kept to a bare minimum.

    Spanish-English dictionary > salirse por la tangente

  • 85 material

    [mə'tɪərɪəl] 1.
    1) (data) materiale m., documentazione f.
    2) (subject matter) materiale m., soggetto m.
    3) teatr. telev. (script) testo m.; (show) spettacolo m.

    he writes all his own material — si scrive tutti i testi (da solo); mus. si scrive tutte le canzoni (da solo)

    4) (substance) materia f., sostanza f.; ing. tecn. materiale m.
    5) (fabric) tessuto m., stoffa f.
    6) (personal potential) attitudine f., stoffa f.
    2.
    nome plurale materials (equipment) materiale m.sing.

    art o artist's materials materiale da disegno; cleaning materials — prodotti per la pulizia

    3.
    1) (significant) [change, damage] sostanziale; [fact, question, evidence] rilevante

    to be material to sth. — essere pertinente a qcs

    2) (concrete) [gain, need, possessions, support] materiale

    in material terms, we are better off — dal punto di vista materiale stiamo meglio

    to do sth. for material gain — fare qcs. per motivi di interesse

    * * *
    [mə'tiəriəl] 1. noun
    1) (anything out of which something is, or may be, made: Tables are usually made from solid material such as wood.) materiale
    2) (cloth: I'd like three metres of blue woollen material.) tessuto
    2. adjective
    1) (consisting of solid(s), liquid(s), gas(es) or any combination of these: the material world.) materiale
    2) (belonging to the world; not spiritual: He wanted material things like money, possessions and power.) materiale
    3) (essential or important: evidence that is material to his defence.) essenziale, importante
    •
    - materialize
    - materialise
    - materialization
    - materialisation
    * * *
    [mə'tɪərɪəl] 1.
    1) (data) materiale m., documentazione f.
    2) (subject matter) materiale m., soggetto m.
    3) teatr. telev. (script) testo m.; (show) spettacolo m.

    he writes all his own material — si scrive tutti i testi (da solo); mus. si scrive tutte le canzoni (da solo)

    4) (substance) materia f., sostanza f.; ing. tecn. materiale m.
    5) (fabric) tessuto m., stoffa f.
    6) (personal potential) attitudine f., stoffa f.
    2.
    nome plurale materials (equipment) materiale m.sing.

    art o artist's materials materiale da disegno; cleaning materials — prodotti per la pulizia

    3.
    1) (significant) [change, damage] sostanziale; [fact, question, evidence] rilevante

    to be material to sth. — essere pertinente a qcs

    2) (concrete) [gain, need, possessions, support] materiale

    in material terms, we are better off — dal punto di vista materiale stiamo meglio

    to do sth. for material gain — fare qcs. per motivi di interesse

    English-Italian dictionary > material

  • 86 λόγος

    λόγος, ου, ὁ (verbal noun of λέγω in the sense ‘pick’; Hom.+).
    ① a communication whereby the mind finds expression, word
    ⓐ of utterance, chiefly oral.
    α. as expression, word (oratorical ability plus exceptional performance were distinguishing marks in Hellenic society, hence the frequent association of λ. and ἔργον ‘deed’; a sim. formulation as early as Il. 9, 443 μύθων τε ῥητῆρʼ ἔμεναι πρηκτῆρά τε ἔργων; Polystrat. p. 33 μὴ λόγῳ μόνον ἀλλʼ ἔργω; Just., A II, 4, 2 ἢ λόγῳ ἢ ἔργῳ and D. 35, 7 λόγον ἢ πρᾶξιν) δυνατὸς ἐν ἔργῳ κ. λόγῳ, i.e. an exceptional personage Lk 24:19; pl. of Moses Ac 7:22 (the contrast expressed w. a verb Choix 20, 6–8 ποιεῖ ἀγαθὸν ὄτι δύναται καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ of Apollordorus, a benefactor in Cyzicus, a flourishing city in Phrygia; sim. New Docs 7, 233, no. 10, 8f πολιτευόμενος … λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ; cp. IKourion 32, 8; without contrast Diod S 13, 101, 3 ἄνδρας λόγῳ δυνατούς; for sim. constructions using λέγω and πράσσω s. Danker, Benefactor 339–43). Cp. Ro 15:18; 2 Cor 10:11; Col 3:17; 2 Th 2:17; Hb 13:21 v.l.; 1J 3:18 (cp. Theognis 1, 87f Diehl3 μή μʼ ἔπεσιν μὲν στέργε κτλ.—For the contrast λόγῳ … ἀληθείᾳ cp. Diod S 13, 4, 1). In contrast to a sinful deed we also have the λόγος ἁμαρτίας sinful word Judaicon 172, 9. W. γνῶσις: ἐν παντὶ λόγῳ κ. πάσῃ γνώσει 1 Cor 1:5. ἰδιώτης τῷ λόγῳ, ἀλλʼ οὐ τῇ γνώσει 2 Cor 11:6. (Opp. δύναμις ‘revelation of power’) 1 Cor 4:19, 20. τὸ εὐαγγέλιον οὐκ ἐγενήθη ἐν λόγῳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν δυνάμει 1 Th 1:5 (cp. Ar. 13, 7 of mythical accounts οὐδέν εἰσιν εἰ μὴ μόνον λόγοι ‘they’re nothing but words’). W. ἐπιστολή: 2 Th 2:2, 15. W. ἀναστροφή: 1 Ti 4:12; 1 Pt 3:1b. Opp. ‘be silent’: IRo 2:1.—μόνον εἰπὲ λόγῳ just say the word Mt 8:8; cp. Lk 7:7 (Ath. 17, 1 ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν; 29, 2; Phalaris, Ep. 121, 1 λόγῳ λέγειν; cp. schol. on Pla. 341a ἐν λόγῳ μόνον εἰπεῖν). οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο ἀποκριθῆναι αὐτῷ λόγον no one was able to answer him a (single) word Mt 22:46; cp. 15:23 (cp. TestAbr A 16 p. 98, 11 [Stone p. 44] οὐκ ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ λόγον).— The (mighty) word (of one who performs miracles) ἐξέβαλεν τὰ πνεύματα λόγῳ Mt 8:16 (a rare use of λ. as ‘single utterance’, s. L-S-J-M s.v. VII).—διὰ λόγου by word of mouth (opp. ‘by letter’) Ac 15:27.—In the textually uncertain pass. Ac 20:24 the text as it stands in N., οὐδενὸς λόγου (v.l. λόγον) ποιοῦμαι τὴν ψυχὴν τιμίαν, may well mean: I do not consider my life worth a single word (cp. λόγου ἄξιον [ἄξιος 1a] and our ‘worth mention’; s. Conzelmann ad loc.).
    β. The expression may take on a variety of formulations or topical nuances: what you say Mt 5:37; statement (PGM 4, 334) Lk 20:20; question (Sext. Emp., Math. 8, 295; 9, 133; Diog. L. 2, 116) ἐρωτήσω ὑμᾶς λόγον I will ask you a question (cp. TestJob 36:5; GrBar 5:1; ApcSed 13:6; Jos., Ant. 12, 99) Mt 21:24; cp. Mk 11:29; Lk 20:3; prayer (PGM 1, 25; 4, 90; 179; 230 al.; 5, 180; 196 al.) Mt 26:44; Mk 14:39. ἡγούμενος τοῦ λ. principal speaker Ac 14:12. W. epexeget. gen. λ. παρακλήσεως 13:15. W. κήρυγμα our manner of presentation and our proclamation 1 Cor 2:4a (but s. comm.). (W. διδασκαλία) preaching 1 Ti 5:17; prophecy (Biogr. p. 364 [Pythia]) J 2:22; 18:32. Command (Aeschyl., Pers. 363) Lk 4:36; 2 Pt 3:5, 7; via a letter 2 Th 3:14. Report, story (X., An. 1, 4, 7; Diod S 3, 40, 9; 19, 110, 1 λ. διαδιδόναι=spread a report; Appian, Iber. 80 §346, Maced. 4 §1 [both=rumor]; Diod S 32, 15, 3 ἦλθεν ὁ λ. ἐπί τινα=the report came to someone; Arrian, Anab. 7, 22, 1 λόγος λέγεται τοιόσδε=a story is told like this, Ind. 9, 2; Diod S 3, 18, 3 λ.=story, account; Jos., Ant. 19, 132; Tat. 27, 2 τοῦ καθʼ Ἡρακλέα λόγου) Mt 28:15; Mk 1:45; Lk 5:15 (λ. περί τινος as X., An. 6, 6, 13; Jos., Ant. 19, 127) 7:17; J 21:23. ἠκούσθη ὁ λόγος εἰς τὰ ὦτα τ. ἐκκλησίας the report came to the ears of the assembly in Jerusalem Ac 11:22. λόγον ἔχειν σοφίας have the appearance of wisdom, pass for wisdom Col 2:23 (cp. Pla., Epinomis 987b ἔχει λόγον; Demosth., C. Lept. 462 [20, 18] λόγον τινʼ ἔχον; but mng. 2f is possible). Proverb (Pla., Phdr. 17, 240c, Symp. 18, 195b, Gorg. 54, 499c, Leg. 6, 5, 757a; Socrat., Ep. 22, 1) J 4:37 (Ps.-Callisth. 1, 13, 7 ἀληθῶς ἐν τούτῳ ὁ λ. foll. by a proverb). Proclamation, instruction, teaching, message Lk 4:32; 10:39; J 4:41; 17:20; Ac 2:41; 4:4; 10:44; 20:7; 1 Cor 1:17; 2:1. In Ac18:15 ζητήματα περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου the sense appears to be someth. like this: controversial issues involving disputes about words and your way of life with λ. prob. referring to the presentation of controversial subjects, which in turn arouses heated ζητήματα debates. λόγος σοφίας proclamation of wisdom, speaking wisely 1 Cor 12:8a (Ps.-Phoc. 129 τῆς θεοπνεύστου σοφίης λ.); corresp. λ. γνώσεως vs. 8b. Cp. 14:9; 15:2; 2 Cor 1:18; 6:7; 10:10. λ. μαρτυρίας word of witness Rv 12:11. ὁ κατὰ τ. διδαχὴν πιστὸς λ. the message of faith, corresponding to the teaching Tit 1:9; the opp. 2 Ti 2:17. A speech (Aristot. p. 14b, 2; Diod S 40, 5a) διὰ λόγου πολλοῦ in a long speech Ac 15:32; cp. 20:2. λ. κολακείας flattering speech 1 Th 2:5. Speaking gener. 2 Cor 8:7; Eph 6:19; Col 4:6; D 2:5. ἐν λόγῳ πταίειν make a mistake in what one says Js 3:2.—Of God’s word, command, commission (LXX; ParJer 5:19 κατηχῆσαι αὐτοὺς τὸν λόγον; SyrBar 13:2; ApcSed 14:10; Just., D. 84, 2; Ael. Aristid. hears a ἱερὸς λ. at night fr. a god: 28, 116 K.=49, p. 529 D.; Sextus 24) ἠκυρώσατε τ. λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ Mt 15:6 (v.l. νόμον, ἐντολήν); cp. Mk 7:13.—J 5:38; 8:55; 10:35; Ro 3:4 (Ps 50:6). Of God’s promise Ro 9:6, 9 (but these two vss., and Gal 5:14 below, prob. fit better under 2a), 28 (Is 10:22f). Cp. Hb 2:2; 4:2 (s. ἀκοή 4b); 7:28; 12:19. For B 15:1 see 1aδ. The whole law (as the expr. εἴ τι ἑτέρα ἐντολή indicates not limited to a narrow list of commandments), acc. to Ro 13:9. In what is prob. a play on words (s. 2a and b), Gal 5:14 (s. 2a below) is summed up in the λόγος as expressed in Lev 19:18.—That which God has created ἁγιάζεται διὰ λόγου θεοῦ 1 Ti 4:5; in line w. the context, this hardly refers to God’s creative word (so SibOr 3, 20; PtK 2; πάντα γὰρ λόγῳ ποιήσας ὁ θεός Theoph. Ant. 2, 18 [144, 8]), but to table prayers which use biblical expressions. The divine word as judge of thoughts Hb 4:12. τελεσθήσονται οἱ λ. τοῦ θεοῦ Ac 17:17; cp. 19:9.—Of the divine revelation through Christ and his messengers (Just., A I, 61, 9 λόγον … παρὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐμάθομεν τοῦτον) θεὸς ἐφανέρωσεν τὸν λ. αὐτοῦ ἐν κηρύγματι Tit 1:3. δέδωκα αὐτοῖς τὸν λ. σου J 17:14; cp. vss. 6, 17; 1J 1:10; 2:14. ἵνα μὴ ὁ λ. τοῦ θεοῦ βλασφημῆται Tit 2:5. The apostles and other preachers, w. ref. to the λόγος of God, are said to: λαλεῖν Ac 4:29, 31; 13:46; Phil 1:14; Hb 13:7; καταγγέλλειν Ac 13:5; 17:13; διδάσκειν 18:11; μαρτυρεῖν Rv 1:2. Of their hearers it is said: τὸν λ. τοῦ θεοῦ ἀκούειν Ac 13:7; δέχεσθαι 8:14; 11:1. Of the λ. τοῦ θεοῦ itself we read: ηὔξανεν Ac 6:7; 12:24; 19:20; οὐ δέδεται 2 Ti 2:9. In these places and many others ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ is simply the Christian message, the gospel: Lk 5:1; 8:11, 21; 11:28 (Simplicius in Epict. p. 1, 20 μὴ μόνον ἀκουόντων ἀλλὰ πασχόντων καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων=let the message have its effect on oneself); Ac 6:2 (s. καταλείπω 7c; for prob. commercial metaph. s. 2a below); 13:44 v.l. (for κυρίου); 16:32 v.l.; 1 Cor 14:36; 2 Cor 2:17; 4:2; Col 1:25; 1 Pt 1:23; Rv 1:9; 6:9; 20:4; IPhld 11:1. Cp. 1 Th 2:13ab; 1J 2:5.—Since this ‘divine word’ is brought to humanity through Christ, his word can be used in the same sense: ὁ λόγος μου J 5:24; cp. 8:31, 37, 43, 51f; 12:48; 14:23f; 15:3, 20b; Rv 3:8. ὁ λόγος τοῦ Χριστοῦ Col 3:16; cp. Hb 6:1. ὁ λ. τοῦ κυρίου Ac 8:25; 12:24 v.l.; 13:44, 48f; 14:25 v.l.; 15:35, 36; 16:32 (cp. λ. θεοῦ); 19:10; 1 Th 1:8; 2 Th 3:1. Pl. Mk 8:38 (Lk 9:26); 1 Ti 6:3; cp. Lk 24:44; s. also 1aδ.—Or it is called simply ὁ λόγος=the ‘Word’, for no misunderstanding would be possible among Christians: Mt 13:20–23; Mk 2:2; 4:14–20, 33; 8:32 (s. 1aε below); 16:20; Lk 1:2; 8:12f, 15; Ac 6:4; 8:4; 10:36 (on the syntax s. FNeirynck, ETL 60, ’84, 118–23); 11:19; 14:25 (cp. λ. κυρίου above); 16:6; 17:11; 18:5; Gal 6:6; Phil 1:14; Col 4:3; 1 Th 1:6; 2 Ti 4:2; Js 1:21ff; 1 Pt 2:8; 3:1; 1J 2:7; AcPl Ha 7, 6 (so also Mel., HE 4, 26, 13; Ath. 2, 3).—Somet. the ‘Word’ is more closely defined by a gen.: ὁ λ. τῆς βασιλείας the word of the reign/rule (of God) Mt 13:19. τῆς σωτηρίας Ac 13:26. τῆς καταλλαγῆς 2 Cor 5:19. τοῦ σταυροῦ 1 Cor 1:18. δικαιοσύνης (q.v. 3a) Hb 5:13. ζωῆς Phil 2:16. (τῆς) ἀληθείας (Theoph. Ant. 3, 4 [p. 212, 2]; cp. περὶ ἀληθείας Hippol., Ref. 10, 6, 1) Eph 1:13; Col 1:5; 2 Ti 2:15; Js 1:18; AcPl Ha 8, 8 (Just., D. 121, 2). τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ (=τοῦ κυρίου) Ac 14:3; 20:32. (Differently the pl. οἱ λόγοι τ. χάριτος gracious words Lk 4:22; cp. Marcellinus, Vi. Thu. 57 Hude λόγοι εἰρωνείας.) ὁ λ. τοῦ εὐαγγελίου Ac 15:7; ὁ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ λ. MPol 10:1. In Rv 3:10 the gospel is described by the ‘One who has the key of David’ as ὁ λ. τῆς ὑπομονῆς μου my word of endurance (W-S. §30, 12c). λ. τῶν ὑ[πο]μονῶν AcPl Ha 6, 11. παρελάβετε τὸν λ. ὅτι AcPl Ha 8, 25.—The pastoral letters favor the expr. πιστὸς ὁ λόγος (sc. ἐστίν, and s. πιστός 1b) 1 Ti 1:15; 3:1; 4:9; 2 Ti 2:11; Tit 3:8; cp. Rv 21:5; 22:6. λ. ὑγιής sound preaching Tit 2:8; cp. the pl. ὑγιαίνοντες λόγοι 2 Ti 1:13 (on medicinal use of words for the mind or soul s. VLeinieks, The City of Dionysos ’96, 115–22, on Eur.).—The pl. is also used gener. of Christian teachings, the words of the gospel Lk 1:4 (s. κατηχέω 2a); 1 Th 4:18. οἱ λ. τῆς πίστεως 1 Ti 4:6. On λόγοι κυριακοί for λόγια κυριακά in the title of the Papias document s. ἐξήγησις 2.—JSchniewind, Die Begriffe Wort und Evangelium bei Pls, diss. Bonn 1910; RAsting (εὐαγγέλιον, end).
    γ. of an individual declaration or remark: assertion, declaration, speech ἀκούσαντες τὸν λ. when they heard the statement Mt 15:12; cp. 19:11, 22; 22:15; Mk 5:36. διὰ τοῦτον τὸν λ. because of this statement of yours 7:29 (TestAbr A 15 p. 95, 29 [Stone p. 38] τὸν λ. τοῦτον; ApcMos 25 εἰς τὸν λόγον σου κρινῶ σε). Cp. 10:22; 12:13; Lk 1:29; 22:61 v.l. (for ῥήματος); J 4:39, 50; 6:60; 7:36, 40 v.l.; 15:20a; 18:9; 19:8; Ac 6:5; 7:29; 20:38; 22:22; 1 Th 4:15. ὸ̔ς ἐὰν εἴπῃ λόγον κατὰ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου whoever utters a (defamatory) word against the Son of Humanity Mt 12:32 (λ. εἰπεῖν κατά τινος as Jos., Ant. 15, 81); cp. Lk 12:10. λόγος σαπρός unwholesome talk Eph 4:29. λόγον ποιεῖσθαι make a speech Ac 11:2 D (cp. Hyperid. 3, 20; Jos., Ant. 11, 86).
    δ. the pl. (οἱ) λόγοι is used, on the one hand, of words uttered on various occasions, of speeches or instruction given here and there by humans or transcendent beings (TestAbr A 14 p. 94, 19 [Stone p. 36]; Jos., Ant. 4, 264; Just., D. 100, 3) ἐκ τῶν λόγων σου δικαιωθήσῃ (καταδικασθήσῃ) Mt 12:37ab; 24:35; Mk 13:31; Lk 21:33; Ac 2:40; 7:22 (ἐν λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις αὐτοῦ. On the word-deed pair cp. Dio Chrys. 4, 6 the λόγοι and ἔργα of Diogenes; s. α above). οἱ δέκα λόγοι the ten commandments (Ex 34:28; Dt 10:4; Philo, Rer. Div. Her. 168, Decal. 32; Jos., Ant. 3, 138; cp. 91f; Did., Gen. 36, 10) B 15:1. Ac 15:24; 20:35; 1 Cor 2:4b, 13; 14:19ab; κενοὶ λ. Eph 5:6; AcPl Ox 6, 13 (cp. Aa 1, 241, 14); Dg 8:2; πλαστοὶ λ. 2 Pt 2:3. λ. πονηροί 3J 10.—Also of words and exprs. that form a unity, whether it be connected discourse (Jos., Ant. 15, 126; Just., A II, 12, 6, D. 11, 5; 81, 3 al.), a conversation, or parts of one and the same teaching, or expositions on the same subject (Diod S 16, 2, 3 μετέσχε τῶν Πυθαγορίων λόγων; Dio Chrys. 37 [54], 1; Ael. Aristid. 50, 55 K.=26 p. 519 D.: οἱ Πλάτωνος λόγοι; PsSol 17:43 [words of the Messiah]; AscIs 3:12 οἱ λόγοι τοῦ Βελχειρά) πᾶς ὅστις ἀκούει μου τοὺς λόγους τούτους Mt 7:24; cp. vss. 26, 28; 10:14; 19:1; 26:1; Mk 10:24; Lk 1:20; 6:47; 9:28, 44. ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν ἐν λόγοις ἱκανοῖς he questioned him at some length 23:9. τίνες οἱ λ. οὗτοι οὓς ἀντιβάλλετε; what is this conversation that you are holding? 24:17; J 7:40 (s. γ); 10:19; J 14:24a; 19:13; Ac 2:22; 5:5, 24; 16:36; 2 Ti 4:15; 1 Cl 13:1; 46:7. λόγοις φθοριμαίοις AcPlCor 1:2.
    ε. the subject under discussion, matter, thing gener. (Theognis 1055 Diehl; Hdt. 8, 65 μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον εἴπῃς. Cp. Hebr. דָּבָר) τὸν λ. ἐκράτησαν they took up the subject Mk 9:10; cp. Mt. 21:24 (s. 1aβ beg.). οὐκ ἔστιν σοι μερὶς ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ you have no share in this matter Ac 8:21. ἰδεῖν περὶ τ. λόγου τούτου look into this matter 15:6. ἔχειν πρός τινα λόγον have a complaint against someone (cp. Demosth. 35, 55 ἐμοὶ πρὸς τούτους ὁ λόγος; PIand 16, 3 δίκαιον λόγον ἔχει πρὸς σέ) 19:38. παρεκτὸς λόγου πορνείας Mt 5:32; 19:9 v.l. (2d is also prob.).—Perh. also Mk 8:32 he discussed the subject quite freely (but s. 1aβ above).
    ⓑ of literary or oratorical productions: of the separate books of a work (Hdt. 5, 36 ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τ. λόγων; Pla., Parmen. 2, 127d ὁ πρῶτος λόγος; Philo, Omn. Prob. Lib. 1 ὁ μὲν πρότερος λόγος ἦν ἡμῖν, ὦ Θεόδοτε, περὶ τοῦ …) treatise Ac 1:1 (s. on the prologue to Ac: AHilgenfeld, ZWT 41, 1898, 619ff; AGercke, Her 29, 1894, 373ff; RLaqueur, Her 46, 1911, 161ff; Norden, Agn. Th. 311ff; JCreed, JTS 35, ’34, 176–82; Goodsp., Probs. 119–21). Παπίας … πέντε λόγους κυριακῶν λογίων ἔγραψεν Papias (11:1; cp. 3:1 e; 11:2; 12:2).—περὶ οὗ πολὺς ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος about this we have much to say Hb 5:11. Hb is described as ὁ λ. τῆς παρακλήσεως a word of exhortation (in literary form) 13:22. Of writings that are part of Holy Scripture ὁ λ. Ἠσαί̈ου J 12:38. ὁ λ. ὁ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ γεγραμμένος 15:25; ὁ προφητικὸς λ. 2 Pt 1:19; 2 Cl 11:2 (quot. of unknown orig.); AcPl Ha 8, 27/BMM recto 35 (Just., D. 77, 2 al.). ὁ ἅγιος λ. the holy word 1 Cl 56:3. ὁ λ. ὁ γεγραμμένος 1 Cor 15:54 (Is 25:8 and Hos 13:14 follow). Pl. οἱ λόγοι τ. προφητῶν Ac 15:15. ὡς γέγραπται ἐν βίβλῳ λόγων Ἠσαί̈ου Lk 3:4 (Pla., 7th Epistle 335a πείθεσθαι ἀεὶ χρὴ τοῖς παλαιοῖς καὶ ἱεροῖς λόγοις; TestJob 1:1 βίβλος λόγων Ἰώβ; ParJer 9:32 v.l. τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν λόγων Ἱερεμίου; ApcEsdr 1:1 καὶ ἀποκάλυψις τοῦ … Ἐσδράμ; ApcSed prol.; Just., D. 72, 3f).—Of the content of Rv: ὁ ἀναγινώσκων τ. λόγους τῆς προφητείας 1:3. οἱ λόγοι (τ. προφητείας) τ. βιβλίου τούτου 22:7, 9f, 18f.
    ② computation, reckoning
    ⓐ a formal accounting, esp. of one’s actions, and freq. with fig. extension of commercial terminology account, accounts, reckoning λόγον δοῦναι (Hdt. 8, 100; X., Cyr. 1, 4, 3; Diod S 3, 46, 4; SIG 1099, 16; BGU 164, 21; Jos., Ant. 16, 120; Just., D. 115, 6) give account, make an accounting ἕκαστος περὶ ἑαυτοῦ λόγον δώσει τ. θεῷ Ro 14:12. Also λ. ἀποδοῦναι abs. (Just., D. 116, 1 al.; Diod S 16, 56, 4; 19, 9, 4) Hb 13:17. τινί to someone (Diod S 16, 27, 4; Plut., Alcib. 7, 3; Chariton 7, 6, 2; SIG 631, 13 τᾷ πόλει; 2 Ch 34:28; Da 6:3 Theod.; Jos., Bell. 1, 209) τῷ ἑτοίμως ἔχοντι κρῖναι 1 Pt 4:5. τινὸς of someth. (SIG 1044, 46; 1105, 10 τοῦ ἀναλώματος; Jos., Ant. 19, 307) Lk 16:2 (here λ. w. the art.; on the subject of undergoing an audit cp. Aeschin. 3, 22). Likew. περί τινος (Diod S 18, 60, 2 δοὺς αὑτῷ περὶ τούτων λόγον=taking account [considering] with himself; BGU 98, 25 περὶ τούτου) Mt 12:36; Ac 19:40. ὑπέρ τινος concerning someone Hv 3, 9, 10.—αἰτεῖν τινα λόγον περί τινος call someone to account for someth. 1 Pt 3:15 (cp. Pla., Pol. 285e; Dio Chrys. 20 [37], 30; Apc4Esdr Fgm. b ἕκαστος ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰκείου ἔργου τὸν λόγον ἀπαιτηθήσεται; Just., A I, 17, 4. For another perspective s. d below.).—Of banking responsibility ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ (PStras 72, 10 [III A.D.] ὁ τῶν θεῶν λ.; PHerm 108 [III A.D.] λ. τοῦ Σαραπείου) in wordplay Ac 6:2 (w. τράπεζα q.v. 1c); s. also 1aβ.—Of a ledger heading (POxy 1333 [II/III A.D.] δὸς αὐτῳ λόγῳ θεωρικῶν=credit him under ‘festivals’; for others s. Preisig., Wörterbuch s.v. λ. 14; s. also Fachwörter 119) Ro 9:6 (the point is that God’s ‘list’ of Israelites is accurate; on ἐκπίπτω in the sense ‘is not deficient’ s. s.v. 4); vs. 9 (the ‘count’ is subsumed by metonymy in divine promise); Gal 5:14 (all moral obligations come under one ‘entry’: ‘you shall love your neighbor as yourself’; for commercial association of ἀναλίσκω vs. 15, which rounds out the wordplay, s. s.v.). The contexts of these three passages suggest strong probability for commercial associations; for another view s. 1aβ.
    ⓑ settlement (of an account) (εἰς λόγον commercial t.t. ‘in settlement of an account’ POxy 275, 19; 21) εἰς λόγον δόσεως κ. λήμψεως in settlement of a mutual account (lit., ‘of giving and receiving’, ‘of debit and credit’) Phil 4:15 (cp. Plut., Mor. 11b λόγον δοῦναι καὶ λαβεῖν; a parallel formulation POxy 1134,10 [421 A.D.] λ. λήμματος καὶ ἐξοδιασμοῦ=ledger of income and expenditures); for the linked accounting terms δόσις and λήμψις s. PCairMasp 151, 208 [VI A.D.]. The same ideas are in the background of εἰς λόγον ὑμῶν credited to your account vs 17.—συναίρειν λόγον settle accounts (BGU 775, 18f. The mid. in the same mng. PFay109, 6 [I A.D.]; POxy 113, 27f.—Dssm., LO 94 [LAE 118f]) μετά τινος Mt 18:23; 25:19.
    ⓒ reflection, respect, regard εἰς λόγον τινός with regard to, for the sake of (Thu. 3, 46, 4; Demosth. 19, 142 εἰς ἀρετῆς λόγον; Polyb. 11, 28, 8; Ath. 31, 1; Ael. Aristid. 39 p. 743 D.: εἰς δεινότητος λ.) εἰς λ. τιμῆς IPhld 11:2. εἰς λ. θεοῦ ISm 10:1.
    ⓓ reason for or cause of someth., reason, ground, motive (Just., D. 94, 3 δότε μοι λόγον, ὅτου χάριν … ; Ath. 30, 3 τὶς γὰρ … λόγος; Dio Chrys. 64 [14], 18 ἐκ τούτου τ. λόγου; Appian, Hann. 29 §126 τῷ αὐτῷ λόγῳ; Iambl., Vi. Pyth. 28, 155) τίνι λόγω; for what reason? Ac 10:29 (cp. Pla., Gorg. 512c τίνι δικαίῳ λ.; Appian, Mithrid. 57 §232 τίνι λόγῳ;). λόγον περὶ τῆς ἐν ὑμῖν ἐλπίδος 1 Pt 3:15 (but s. a above); κατὰ λόγον Ac 18:14 (s. κατά B 5bβ). παρεκτὸς λόγου πορνείας Mt 5:32; 19:9 v.l. (though 1aε is also poss.).
    ⓔ πρὸς ὸ̔ν ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος (ἐστίν) with whom we have to do (i.e. to reckon) (Dio Chrys. 31, 123; other exx. in FBleek, Hb II/1, 1836, 590ff), in his capacity as judge (Libanius, Legat. Ulixis [=Declamatio IV] 2 F. τοῖς δὲ ἀδίκως ἀποκτενοῦσι καὶ πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ὁ λόγος γίγνεται) Hb 4:13. οὐ πρὸς σάρκα ὁ λόγος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς θεόν he has to do not with flesh, but with God IMg 3:2.
    ⓕ In Col 2:23 (s. 1aβ) λόγον μὲν ἔχοντα σοφίας may= make a case for wisdom (cp. λόγος ἡμῖν οὐδείς Plut., Mor. 870b).
    ③ the independent personified expression of God, the Logos. Our lit. shows traces of a way of thinking that was widespread in contemporary syncretism, as well as in Jewish wisdom lit. and Philo, the most prominent feature of which is the concept of the Logos, the independent, personified ‘Word’ (of God): GJs 11:2 (word of the angel to Mary) συνλήμψῃ ἐκ Λόγου αὐτοῦ (sc. τοῦ πάντων Δεσπότου). J 1:1abc, 14 (cp. Just., A I, 23, 2; Mel., P. 9, 61 and oft. by all apolog., exc.. Ar.). It is the distinctive teaching of the Fourth Gospel that this divine ‘Word’ took on human form in a historical person, that is, in Jesus (s. RSeeberg, Festgabe für AvHarnack ’21, 263–81.—Λόγος w. ζωή in gnostic speculation: Iren.1, 1, 1 [Harv. 1, 10, 4]; Aelian, VH 4, 20 ἐκάλουν τὸν Πρωταγόραν Λόγον. Similarly Favorinus [II A.D.]: Vorsokr. 80 A 1 ln. 22 [in Diog. L. 9, 50] of Democritus: ἐκαλεῖτο Σοφία. Equating a divinity with an abstraction that she personifies: Artem. 5, 18 φρόνησις εἶναι νομίζεται ἡ θεός [Athena]). Cp. 1J 1:1; Rv 19:13. εἷς θεός ἐστιν, ὁ φανερώσας ἑαυτὸν διὰ Ἰ. Χριστοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὅς ἐστιν αὐτοῦ λόγος, ἀπὸ σιγῆς προελθών there is one God, who has revealed himself through Jesus Christ his Son, who is his ‘Word’ proceeding from silence (i.e., without an oral pronouncement: in a transcendent manner) IMg 8:2 (s. σιγή). The Lord as νόμος κ. λόγος PtK 1. Cp. Dg 11:2, 3, 7, 8; 12:9.—HClavier, TManson memorial vol., ’59, 81–93: the Alexandrian eternal λόγος is also implied in Hb 4:12; 13:7.—S. also the ‘Comma Johanneum’ (to the bibliography in RGG3 I, ’54 [HGreeven] add AJülicher, GGA 1905, 930–35; AvHarnack, SBBerlAk 1915, 572f [=Studien I ’31, 151f]; MMeinertz, Einl. in d. NT4 ’33, 309–11; AGreiff, TQ 114, ’33, 465–80; CDodd, The Joh. Epistles ’46; WThiele, ZNW 50, ’59, 61–73) ὁ πατήρ, ὁ λόγος καὶ τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα 1J 5:7 v.l. (s. N. app.; Borger, TRu 52, ’87, 57f). (Such interpolations were not unheard of. According to Diog. L. 1, 48 some people maintain that Solon inserted the verse mentioning the Athenians after Il. 2, 557.—τῆς τριάδος, τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ λόγου αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς σοφίας αὐτοῦ Theoph. Ant. 2, 15 [p. 138, 19].)—On the Logos: EZeller, D. Philosophie der Griechen III 24 1903, 417–34; MHeinze, D. Lehre v. Logos in d. griech. Philosophie 1872; PWendland, Philo u. d. kynisch-stoische Diatribe (Beiträge z. Gesch. der griech. Philosophie u. Religion by Wendl. and OKern 1895, 1–75); AAall, Gesch. d. Logosidee 1896, 1899; MPohlenz, D. Stoa ’48f, I 482; 490 (index); LDürr, D. Wertung des göttl. Wortes im AT u. im ant. Orient ’38 (§9 of the Joh. Logos); EBréhier, Les idées philosophiques et religieuses de Philon d’Alexandrie 1907, 83–111; (2 ’25); JLebreton, Les théories du Logos au début de l’ère chrétienne 1907; ESchwartz, NGG 1908, 537–56; GVos, The Range of the Logos-Title in the Prologue of the Fourth Gospel: PTR 11, 1913, 365–419; 557–602; RHarris, The Origin of the Prologue to St. John’s Gospel 1917, Athena, Sophia and the Logos: BJRL 7, 1, 1922 p. 56–72; M-JLagrange, Vers le Logos de S. Jean: RB 32, 1923, 161–84, Le Logos de Philon: ibid. 321–71; HLeisegang, Logos: Pauly-W. XIII 1926, 1035–81; TGlasson, Heraclitus’ Alleged Logos Doctr., JTS 3, ’52, 231–38.—NWeinstein, Z. Genesis d. Agada 1901, 29–90; Billerb. II 302–33.—Rtzst., Zwei religionsgeschichtl. Fragen 1901, 47–132, Mysterienrel.3 1927, 428 index; WBousset, Kyrios Christos2 1921, 304ff; 316f; JKroll, D. Lehren d. Hermes Trismegistos1914, 418 index.—RBultmann, D. religionsgesch. Hintergrund des Prol. z. Joh.: HGunkel Festschr., 1923, II 1–26, Comm. ’41, 5ff; AAlexander, The Johannine Doctrine of the Logos: ET 36, 1925, 394–99; 467–72; (Rtzst. and) HSchaeder, Studien z. antiken Synkretismus 1926, 306–37; 350; GAvdBerghvanEysinga, In den beginne was de Logos: NThT 23, ’34, 105–23; JDillersberger, Das Wort von Logos ’35; RBury, The 4th Gosp. and the Logos-Doctrine ’40; EMay, CBQ 8, ’46, 438–47; GKnight, From Moses to Paul ’49, 120–29. TW IV 76–89; 126–40 (on this s. SLyonnet, Biblica 26, ’45, 126–31); CStange, ZST 21, ’50, 120–41; MBoismard, Le Prologue de St. Jean ’53; HLangkammer, BZ 9, ’65, 91–94; HRinggren, Word and Wisdom [hypostatization in Near East] ’47; WEltester, Haenchen Festschr., ’64, 109–34; HWeiss, Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie etc., TU 97, ’66, 216–82; MRissi, Die Logoslieder im Prolog des vierten Evangeliums, TZ 31, ’75, 321–36; HLausberg, NAWG, Ph. ’87, 1 pp. 1–7.—B. 1262. DELG s.v. λέγω B 1. M-M. EDNT. TW.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > λόγος

  • 87 vexed

    vexed [vekst]
    (a) (annoyed) fâché, ennuyé, contrarié;
    ∎ to become vexed se fâcher;
    ∎ to be vexed with sb être fâché contre qn, en vouloir à qn;
    ∎ she was vexed at his behaviour elle était contrariée par son comportement, son comportement l'avait contrariée;
    ∎ she was vexed to discover that she had left her purse behind elle a été contrariée quand elle a réalisé qu'elle avait oublié son porte-monnaie
    (b) (question, issue → controversial) controversé; (→ difficult) épineux;
    ∎ the vexed question of crime and punishment le problème constamment débattu du crime et du châtiment;
    ∎ it remains a vexed question c'est un sujet qui continue à soulever les controverses;
    ∎ it is a vexed question whether this policy will work cette politique va-t-elle fonctionner? c'est une question qui soulève les controverses;
    ∎ it's a very vexed period in our history c'est une période délicate de notre histoire

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > vexed

  • 88 viel

    I Adj. a lot of, lots of umg.; viele many; nicht viel not much; nicht viele not many; sehr viel a great deal (of); sehr viele very many, a lot ( oder lots umg) (of), a great many; noch einmal so viel as much again; ziemlich viel(e) quite a lot (of); viel verdienen earn a lot of money; viele sind dafür etc. many people are in favo(u)r of it etc.; einer zu viel one too many; einer unter vielen one among(st) many; ein bisschen viel a bit ( oder little) (too) much; siehe auch bisschen II; viel zu viel far too much; das viele Geld all that money; in vielem in many ways; viel Erfreuliches etc. lots of nice things etc.; das letzte Jahr hat nicht viel Erfreuliches gebracht the past year hasn’t brought much joy; um vieles besser far ( oder much) better; das will viel / nicht viel heißen that’s saying a lot / that’s not saying much; Dank, Glück 1, so I 8; Spaß 2 etc.
    II Adv.
    1. a lot, lots umg.; viel reisen / krank sein etc. travel / be ill etc. a lot; die Straße wird viel befahren the road is used a lot, a lot of traffic uses the road; viel besser much better; was gibt es da noch viel zu bereden? what is there to discuss?, I thought we’d settled things; was soll ich dir noch viel erzählen? there’s no point in my going into (any great) detail about it
    2. mit P.P.: viel beachtet well regarded; viel befahren very busy; eine viel befahrene Straße auch a road with heavy traffic; viel begehrt Künstler, Junggeselle etc.: much ( oder highly) sought-after; viel benutzt well-used; viel beschäftigt very busy; viel besucht much-frequented; viel besungen lit. oder hum. präd. frequently celebrated in song, attr. auch oft-sung lit.; viel bewundert much-admired; viel diskutiert much-discussed, widely discussed; viel gebraucht much-used; viel gefragt very popular; viel gefragt sein auch be in great demand; viel gehasst much-hated; viel gekauft frequently bought; viel gelesen much-read; viel geliebt much-loved; viel gelobt much-praised; viel genannt often-mentioned, lit. oft-mentioned; Buch: much-cited, oft-cited; (berühmt) noted, distinguished; viel gepriesen much-praised; viel geprüft sorely tried; viel gereist widely- ( oder much-)travel(l)ed; er ist ein viel gereister Mann he’s done a lot of travel(l)ing (in his time); viel gerühmt much-praised; viel geschmäht oder gescholten much-maligned, much-reviled; viel kritisiert much-criticized; viel umjubelt highly acclaimed; viel umstritten highly controversial; viel umworben much sought-after; viel zitiert much-cited, oft-cited
    3. mit Part. Präs.: viel sagend Blick: meaningful; sie sah mich viel sagend an she gave me a meaningful look; viel sagend schweigen fall into a meaningful silence; viel verheißend oder viel versprechend (very) promising
    * * *
    a great deal (Adv.); much (Adj.); much (Adv.); a lot (Adv.); a lot of (Pron.); lots of (Pron.)
    * * *
    [fiːl]
    indef pron, adj comp mehr
    [meːɐ] superl meiste(r, s) or adv am meisten ['maistə]
    1) sing (adjektivisch) a lot of, a great deal of; (substantivisch) a lot, a great deal; (esp fragend, verneint) much

    víéles — a lot of things

    víél(es), was..., víél(es) von dem, was... — a lot or great deal of what...

    in víélem, in víéler Hinsicht or Beziehung — in many respects

    mit víélem — with a lot of things

    um víéles besser etc — a lot or much or a great deal better etc

    sehr víél (Geld etc) — a lot or a great deal (of money etc)

    nicht sehr víél (Geld etc) — not very much (money etc)

    so víél — so much

    halb/doppelt so víél — half/twice as much

    so víél als or wie... — as much as...

    nimm dir so víél du willst — take as much as you like

    noch einmal so víél — the same again

    das ist so víél wie eine Zusage — that is tantamount to a promise, that amounts to a promise

    so víél für heute! — that's all for today

    so víél, was ihn betrifft — so much for him

    so víél (Arbeit etc) — so much or such a lot (of work etc)

    noch (ein)mal so víél (Zeit etc) — as much (time etc) again

    zweimal so víél (Arbeit etc) — twice as much (work etc)

    gleich víél (Gewinn etc) — the same amount (of profit etc)

    wie víél — how much; (bei Mehrzahl) how many

    (um) wie víél größer — how much bigger

    ziemlich víél (Schmutz etc) — rather a lot (of dirt etc)

    zu víél — too much; (inf

    víél zu víél — much or far too much

    besser zu víél als zu wenig — better too much than too little

    wenns dir zu víél wird, sag Bescheid — say if it gets too much for you

    ihm ist alles zu víél (inf) — it's all too much for him

    da krieg ich zu víél (inf) — I blow my top (inf)

    einer/zwei etc zu víél — one/two etc too many

    einen/ein paar zu víél trinken (inf) — to drink or have (inf) one/a few too many

    was zu víél ist, ist zu víél — that's just too much, there's a limit to everything

    ein bisschen víél (Regen etc) — a bit too much (rain etc)

    furchtbar víél (Regen etc) — an awful lot (of rain etc)

    víél Erfolg! — good luck!, I wish you every success!

    víél Spaß! — have fun!, enjoy yourself/yourselves!

    víél Neues/Schönes etc — a lot of or many new/beautiful etc things

    víél Volk — a lot of people

    das víéle Geld — all that money

    sein víéles Geld — all his money

    das víéle Geld/Lesen etc — all this money/reading etc

    víél zu tun haben — to have a lot to do

    er hält víél von ihm/davon — he thinks a lot or a great deal of him/it

    er hält nicht víél von ihm/davon — he doesn't think much of him/it

    das will víél/nicht víél heißen or sagen — that's saying a lot or a great deal/not saying much

    2)

    víéle pl (adjektivisch) — many, a lot of, a great number of; (substantivisch) many, a lot

    es waren nicht víéle auf der Party — there weren't many (people) or a lot (of people) at the party

    es waren nicht víéle in der Schule — there weren't many (children) or a lot (of children) at school

    da wir so víéle sind — since there are so many or such a lot of us

    davon gibt es nicht víéle — there aren't many or a lot about

    davon gibt es nicht mehr víéle — there aren't many or a lot left

    furchtbar víéle (Kinder/Bewerbungen etc) — a tremendous number or an awful lot (of children/applications etc)

    gleich víéle (Angestellte/Anteile etc) — the same number (of employees/shares etc)

    so/zu víéle (Menschen/Fehler etc) — so/too many (people/mistakes etc)

    er hat víél(e) Sorgen/Probleme etc — he has a lot of worries/problems etc

    víéle hundert or Hundert Menschen — many hundreds of people

    die/seine víélen Fehler etc — the/his many mistakes etc

    die víélen Leute/Bücher! — all these people/books!

    víéle glauben,... — many (people) or a lot of people believe...

    und víéle andere —

    es waren derer or ihrer víéle (liter) — there were many of them

    3) (adverbial: mit vb) a lot, a great deal; (esp fragend, verneint) much

    er arbeitet víél — he works a lot

    er arbeitet nicht víél — he doesn't work much

    er arbeitet zu víél — he works too much

    er arbeitet so víél — he works so much or such a lot

    sie ist víél krank/von zu Hause weg — she's ill/away a lot

    die Straße wird (sehr/nicht) víél befahren — this street is (very/not very) busy

    dieses Thema wird víél diskutiert — this subject is much debated

    sich víél einbilden — to think a lot of oneself

    4) (adverbial: mit adj, adv) much, a lot

    víél größer etc — much or a lot bigger etc

    víél beschäftigt — very busy

    víél diskutiert — much discussed

    víél erörtert — much discussed

    víél gehasst — much-hated

    víél gekauft — frequently bought, much-purchased

    víél geliebt — much-loved

    víél genannt — much-cited, frequently mentioned

    víél geprüft (hum) — sorely tried

    víél gereist — much-travelled (Brit), much-traveled (US)

    víél geschmäht — much-maligned

    víél umworben — much-sought-after; Frau much-courted

    víél verheißend — promising, full of promise; anfangen promisingly

    sich víél verheißend anhören — to sound promising

    nicht víél anders — not very or much or a lot different

    víél zu... — much too...

    víél zu víél — much or far too much

    víél zu víéle — far too many

    ich würde víél lieber auf eine Party gehen — I'd much rather go to a party, I'd much prefer to go to a party

    * * *
    1) (a large quantity or number: What a lot of letters!) a lot
    2) (a (great) amount or quantity of: This job won't take much effort; I found it without much difficulty; How much sugar is there left?; There's far too much salt in my soup; He ate so much ice-cream that he was sick; Take as much money as you need; After much discussion they decided to go.) much
    3) (a large amount; a great deal: He didn't say much about it; Much of this trouble could have been prevented; Did you eat much?; not much; too much; as much as I wanted; How much did you eat?; Only this/that / so much; How much is (= What is the price of) that fish?; Please tidy your room - it isn't much to ask.) much
    4) ((by) a great deal; (by) far: She's much prettier than I am; He isn't much older than you; How much further must we walk?; much more easily; He's much the best person to ask.) much
    5) (to have a good, or bad, opinion of: She thought highly of him and his poetry.) think highly
    6) (to have a good, or bad, opinion of: She thought highly of him and his poetry.) well
    7) (to have a good, or bad, opinion of: She thought highly of him and his poetry.) badly etc of
    * * *
    [fi:l]
    ▪ \vieles a lot, a great deal, much/many
    sie weiß \vieles she knows a lot [or a great deal]
    ich habe meiner Frau \vieles zu verdanken I have to thank my wife for a lot
    \vieles, was du da sagst, trifft zu a lot [or much] of what you say is correct
    in \vielem hast du Recht in many respects you're right
    in \vielem gebe ich Ihnen Recht I agree with you in much of what you say
    mit \vielem, was er vorschlägt, bin ich einverstanden I agree with many of the things he suggests
    mein Mann ist um \vieles jünger als ich my husband is much younger than me
    es ist \vieles neu an diesem Modell this model has many [or a lot of] new features
    schöner ist dieser Lederkoffer natürlich, aber auch um \vieles teurer this leather suitcase is nicer, of course, but a lot more expensive
    sie kam mit \vielem alten Zeug she came with a lot of old stuff
    in \vieler Beziehung in many respects
    \vieles Ermutigende/Faszinierende/Schreckliche much encouragement/fascination/horror
    \vieles Interessante gab es zu sehen there was much of interest [or were many interesting things] to see
    III. adj
    <mehr, meiste>
    1. sing, attr, inv
    \viel Arbeit/Geduld/Geld a lot [or great deal] of work/patience/money
    \viel Erfolg! good luck!, I wish you every success!
    \viel Glück! all the best!, I wish you luck!
    \viel Spaß! enjoy yourself/yourselves!, have fun!
    \viel Vergnügen! enjoy yourself/yourselves!
    2. sing, attr
    ▪ \viele/ \vieler/ \vieles... many/much..., a lot of...
    ihre Augen waren rot von \vielem Weinen her eyes were red from much crying
    \vielen Dank! thank you very much!
    3. sing, attr
    ▪ der/die/das \viele... all this/that
    das \viele Essen über die Weihnachtstage ist mir nicht bekommen all that food over Christmas hasn't done me any good
    der \viele Ärger lässt mich nicht mehr schlafen I can't get to sleep with all this trouble
    ▪ sein \vieler/sein \vieles/seine \viele... all one's...
    4. sing, allein stehend, inv a lot, a great deal, much/many
    ich habe zu \viel zu tun I have too much to do
    sechs Kinder sind heute \viel six children today are many [or a lot]
    das ist sehr/unendlich \viel that's a huge/an endless amount/number
    viel wurde getan a lot [or a great deal] [or much] was done
    ihr Blick sagte \viel her look spoke volumes
    sie hat \viel von ihrem Mutter she has a lot of her mother
    das ist ein bisschen \viel [auf einmal]! that's a little too much [all at once]!
    nicht/recht \viel not much [or a lot]/quite a lot
    von dem Plan halte ich nicht \viel I don't think much of the plan
    das hat nicht \viel zu bedeuten that doesn't mean much
    er kann nicht \viel vertragen he can't hold his drink
    sie ist nicht \viel über dreißig she's not much over thirty
    was kann dabei schon \viel passieren? (fam) nothing's going to happen!
    \viel verheißend/versprechend highly promising
    was zu \viel ist, ist zu \viel enough is enough
    5. pl, attr
    ▪ \viele... a lot of..., a great number of..., many...
    unglaublich \viele Heuschrecken an unbelievable number of grasshoppers
    ein Geschenk von \vielen hundert Blumen a present of many hundreds of flowers
    und \viele andere and many others
    ▪ die \vielen... the great many [or number of]...
    6. pl, allein stehend
    ▪ \viele many; von Dingen a. a lot
    diese Ansicht wird immer noch von \vielen vertreten this view is still held by many [people]
    es sind noch einige Fehler, aber \viele haben wir verbessert there are still some errors, but we've corrected many [or a lot] [of them]
    \viele deiner Bücher kenne ich schon I know many [or a lot] of your books already
    es waren \viele von ihnen [o (geh) ihrer \viele] da there were many of them there
    einer unter \vielen one among many
    so \viel ist gewiss one thing is for certain
    ebenso \viel equally many/as much
    genauso \viel exactly as many/much
    gleich \viel just as much/many, the same
    gleich \viel Sand/Wasser the same amount of sand/water
    wir haben gleich \viele Dienstjahre we've been working here for the same number of years
    nicht \viel nützen (fam) to be not much use
    wie \viel/ \viele? how much/many?
    8. sing, allein stehend, inv DIAL (fam: nichts)
    ich weiß \viel, was du willst I haven't a clue what you want fam
    IV. adv
    <mehr, am meisten>
    im Sommer halten wir uns \viel im Garten auf we spend a lot of time in the garden in summer
    früher hat sie ihre Mutter immer \viel besucht she always used to visit her mother a lot
    man redet \viel von Frieden there's much [or a lot of] talk about peace
    eine \viel befahrene Straße a [very] busy street
    ein \viel beschäftigter Mann a very busy man
    \viel diskutiert much discussed
    einmal zu \viel once too often
    ein \viel erfahrener Pilot a pilot with a lot of experience
    ein \viel gefragtes Model a model that is in great demand
    \viel gekauft popular
    \viel gelesen widely read
    \viel geliebt much loved
    \viel gepriesen highly acclaimed
    ein \viel gereister Mann a man who has travelled a great deal
    \viel geschmäht much maligned [or abused]
    eine \viel gestellte Frage a question that comes up frequently
    \viel ins Kino/Theater gehen to go to the cinema/theatre frequently [or a lot], to be a regular cinema-goer/theatre-goer
    \viel umstritten highly controversial
    woanders ist es nicht \viel anders als bei uns there's not much [or a lot of] difference between where we live and somewhere else
    ich weiß \viel mehr, als du denkst I know far [or much] [or a lot] more than you think
    \viel kürzer/schwerer/weiter far [or much] [or a lot] shorter/heavier/more distant
    \viel zu groß/lang/teuer far [or much] too big/long/expensive
    \viel zu viel far [or much] too much
    * * *
    1.
    Indefinitpronomen und unbestimmtes Zahlwort
    1) Sg. a great deal of; a lot of (coll.)

    so/wie/nicht/zu viel — that/how/not/too much

    viel[es] — (viele Dinge, vielerlei) much

    viel sagend — (fig.) meaningful

    viel versprechend — [very] promising

    2) Plural many

    gleich viel[e] — the same number of

    wie viel[e] — how many

    zu viel[e] — too many

    2.
    1) (oft, lange) a great deal; a lot (coll.)
    2) (wesentlich) much; a great deal; a lot (coll.)

    viel mehr/weniger — much more/less

    viel zu viel — far or much to much

    * * *
    A. adj a lot of, lots of umg;
    viele many;
    nicht viel not much;
    nicht viele not many;
    sehr viel a great deal (of);
    sehr viele very many, a lot ( oder lots umg) (of), a great many;
    noch einmal so viel as much again;
    ziemlich viel(e) quite a lot (of);
    viel verdienen earn a lot of money;
    viele sind dafür etc many people are in favo(u)r of it etc;
    einer zu viel one too many;
    einer unter vielen one among(st) many;
    ein bisschen viel a bit ( oder little) (too) much; → auch bisschen B;
    viel zu viel far too much;
    das viele Geld all that money;
    in vielem in many ways;
    viel Erfreuliches etc lots of nice things etc;
    das letzte Jahr hat nicht viel Erfreuliches gebracht the past year hasn’t brought much joy;
    um vieles besser far ( oder much) better;
    das will viel/nicht viel heißen that’s saying a lot/that’s not saying much; → Dank, Glück 1, so A 8; Spaß 2 etc
    B. adv
    1. a lot, lots umg;
    viel reisen/krank sein etc travel/be ill etc a lot;
    die Straße wird viel befahren the road is used a lot, a lot of traffic uses the road;
    viel besser much better;
    was gibt es da noch viel zu bereden? what is there to discuss?, I thought we’d settled things;
    was soll ich dir noch viel erzählen? there’s no point in my going into (any great) detail about it
    2. mit pperf:
    viel beachtet well regarded;
    viel befahren very busy;
    eine viel befahrene Straße auch a road with heavy traffic;
    viel begehrt Künstler, Junggeselle etc: much ( oder highly) sought-after;
    viel benutzt well-used;
    viel beschäftigt very busy;
    viel besucht much-frequented;
    viel besungen liter oder hum präd frequently celebrated in song, attr auch oft-sung liter;
    viel bewundert much-admired;
    viel diskutiert much-discussed, widely discussed;
    viel gebraucht much-used;
    viel gefragt very popular;
    viel gefragt sein auch be in great demand;
    viel gehasst much-hated;
    viel gekauft frequently bought;
    viel gelesen much-read;
    viel geliebt much-loved;
    viel gelobt much-praised;
    viel genannt often-mentioned, liter oft-mentioned; Buch: much-cited, oft-cited; (berühmt) noted, distinguished;
    viel gepriesen much-praised;
    viel geprüft sorely tried;
    viel gereist widely- ( oder much-)travel(l)ed;
    er ist ein viel gereister Mann he’s done a lot of travel(l)ing (in his time);
    viel gerühmt much-praised;
    gescholten much-maligned, much-reviled;
    viel kritisiert much-criticized;
    viel umjubelt highly acclaimed;
    viel umstritten highly controversial;
    viel umworben much sought-after;
    viel zitiert much-cited, oft-cited
    3. mit ppr:
    viel versprechend (very) promising
    * * *
    1.
    Indefinitpronomen und unbestimmtes Zahlwort
    1) Sg. a great deal of; a lot of (coll.)

    so/wie/nicht/zu viel — that/how/not/too much

    viel[es] — (viele Dinge, vielerlei) much

    viel sagend — (fig.) meaningful

    viel versprechend — [very] promising

    2) Plural many

    gleich viel[e] — the same number of

    wie viel[e] — how many

    zu viel[e] — too many

    2.
    1) (oft, lange) a great deal; a lot (coll.)
    2) (wesentlich) much; a great deal; a lot (coll.)

    viel mehr/weniger — much more/less

    viel zu viel — far or much to much

    * * *
    (wenig) zu wünschen übriglassen ausdr.
    to leave much (little)
    to be desired expr. adj.
    many adj.
    much adj.
    much n.
    umpteen adj.
    various adj.

    Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch > viel

  • 89 спорный

    прл
    arguable, debatable, disputable, questionable; противоречивый controversial, contentious

    спо́рный вопро́с — controversial/debatable/ ещё не решённый moot point/question

    спо́рное реше́ние — controversial/contentious/disputable/questionable decision

    спо́рная террито́рия — disputed territory

    Русско-английский учебный словарь > спорный

  • 90 Artificial Intelligence

       In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)
       Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)
       Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....
       When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)
       4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually
       Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)
       What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)
       The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)
       9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form
       The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)
       There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:
        Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."
        Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)
       Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)
       Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)
       The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)
        14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation
       It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)
       We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.
       Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.
       Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.
    ... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)
       Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)
        16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts
       Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)
       Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System
       Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence
       The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.
       The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)
       The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....
       AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)
        21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions
       In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)
       Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)
       Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)
       The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence

  • 91 abordar

    v.
    1 to board (barco).
    2 to approach (person).
    María abordó al profesor de ciencias Mary approached the science professor.
    3 to tackle (tema, tarea).
    Pedro abordó la hercúlea tarea Peter tackled the Herculean task.
    4 to board (avión, barco). (Mexican Spanish, Venezuelan Spanish)
    5 to go aboard, to board, to get on board of.
    Silvia abordó el barco para Grecia Silvia went aboard the ship to Greece.
    6 to discuss, to talk about, to board, to get on to.
    Pedro abordó un tema actual Peter discussed a current topic.
    7 to go on board, to go aboard.
    Ricardo abordó rápidamente Richard went on board quickly.
    * * *
    1 MARÍTIMO (chocar) to run foul of, collide with; (atacar) to board
    2 MARÍTIMO (arribar) to reach port
    3 figurado (persona) to approach; (asunto, tema) to tackle
    * * *
    verb
    * * *
    1. VT
    1) (=acometer) to tackle
    2) (=tratar) to deal with
    3)
    4) (Náut) (=atacar) to board; (=chocar con) to ram
    5) Méx [+ bus] to board, get on; Caribe (Aer) to board
    2.
    VI (Náut) to dock
    * * *
    1.
    verbo transitivo
    1)
    a) ( encarar) < problema> to tackle, deal with

    el libro aborda temas difíciles — the book deals with o tackles difficult subjects

    b) ( plantear) <tema/asunto> to raise
    2) < persona> to approach
    3) (Náut)
    a) ( chocar con) to collide with; ( embestir) to ram
    b) guardacostas/piratas to board
    4) (Méx) pasajero <barco/avión> to board; < automóvil> to get into
    2.
    abordar vi (Méx) ( subir a bordo) to board
    * * *
    = hop on, waylay, address, meet.
    Nota: Verbo irregular: pasado y participio met.
    Ex. The article ' Hop on the Internet, it's time' provides a general discussion of the advantages to be gained by using the Internet.
    Ex. Librarians must not allow themselves to be thus waylaid in their commitment to their clients and must act with vision, flair, style, and passion.
    Ex. The inclusion of vendors and publishers allows everyone to address sticky business relationships head-on.
    Ex. There may be a threat of over-capacity; if so, this could be met by diversification, an enlargement of the SLIS role.
    ----
    * abordar una mínima parte del asunto = touch + the tip of the iceberg.
    * abordar un problema = address + problem.
    * que ha sido abordado con preguntas = accost.
    * * *
    1.
    verbo transitivo
    1)
    a) ( encarar) < problema> to tackle, deal with

    el libro aborda temas difíciles — the book deals with o tackles difficult subjects

    b) ( plantear) <tema/asunto> to raise
    2) < persona> to approach
    3) (Náut)
    a) ( chocar con) to collide with; ( embestir) to ram
    b) guardacostas/piratas to board
    4) (Méx) pasajero <barco/avión> to board; < automóvil> to get into
    2.
    abordar vi (Méx) ( subir a bordo) to board
    * * *
    = hop on, waylay, address, meet.
    Nota: Verbo irregular: pasado y participio met.

    Ex: The article ' Hop on the Internet, it's time' provides a general discussion of the advantages to be gained by using the Internet.

    Ex: Librarians must not allow themselves to be thus waylaid in their commitment to their clients and must act with vision, flair, style, and passion.
    Ex: The inclusion of vendors and publishers allows everyone to address sticky business relationships head-on.
    Ex: There may be a threat of over-capacity; if so, this could be met by diversification, an enlargement of the SLIS role.
    * abordar una mínima parte del asunto = touch + the tip of the iceberg.
    * abordar un problema = address + problem.
    * que ha sido abordado con preguntas = accost.

    * * *
    abordar [A1 ]
    vt
    A ‹asunto/tema/problema› to tackle, deal with
    el libro aborda todos estos temas difíciles the book deals with o tackles all these difficult subjects
    tendrán que abordar estos problemas they will have to tackle o deal with these problems, they will have to come o ( BrE) get to grips with these problems
    no se abordó el tema de la construcción del puente the question of the construction of the bridge was not raised
    B ‹persona› to approach; (agresivamente) to accost
    un hombre la abordó la calle she was approached o accosted by a man in the street
    C ( Náut)
    1 (chocar con) to collide with; (embestir) to ram
    2 (acercarse a) to come alongside
    3 «guardacostas/piratas» to board
    D ( Méx) «pasajero» ‹barco/avión› to board; ‹automóvil› to get into
    ■ abordar
    vi
    A (atracar) to tie up, moor
    B (Col, Méx) (subir a bordo) to board
    * * *

     

    abordar ( conjugate abordar) verbo transitivo
    1

    b) ( plantear) ‹tema/asunto› to raise

    2 ‹ persona› to approach;
    ( agresivamente) to accost
    3 (Méx) [ pasajero] ‹barco/avión› to board;
    ‹ automóvil› to get into
    verbo intransitivo (Méx) ( subir a bordo) to board
    abordar verbo transitivo
    1 (a una persona) to approach: me abordaron en la calle y me acribillaron a preguntas, they came up to me in the street and pestered me with questions
    2 (un tema, un problema) to tackle: debemos abordar el problema con realismo, we must tackle the problem realistically
    3 (una embarcación) to board: los ingleses abordaron el navío español, the English boarded the Spanish ship
    ' abordar' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    escabrosa
    - escabroso
    - espinosa
    - espinoso
    - pase
    - paso
    English:
    approach
    - attack
    - broach
    - deal with
    - tackle
    - accost
    - board
    - boarding
    - way
    * * *
    1. [barco] to board [in attack]
    2. [persona] to approach;
    nos abordaron unos maleantes we were accosted by some undesirables
    3. [resolver] to tackle, to deal with;
    no saben cómo abordar el problema they don't know how to deal with o tackle the problem
    4. [plantear] to bring up;
    el artículo aborda el problema del racismo the article deals with the issue of racism
    5. Méx, Ven [avión, barco] to board;
    [tren, autobús] to get on; [coche] to get into
    * * *
    v/t
    1 MAR board
    2 tema, asunto broach, raise
    3 problema tackle, deal with
    4 a una persona approach
    * * *
    1) : to address, to broach
    2) : to accost, to waylay
    3) : to come on board
    * * *
    abordar vb to approach / to tackle

    Spanish-English dictionary > abordar

  • 92 policy

    n
    1) политика; политический курс; стратегия; система; ( towards smth) позиция
    •

    to abandon policy — отходить / отказываться от политики

    to adhere to policy — придерживаться политики; быть верным какой-л. политике

    to administer policy — проводить политику; осуществлять политику

    to adopt policy — принимать политику, брать на вооружение политический курс

    to advise smb on policy — быть чьим-л. политическим советником

    to assign smth the status of state policy — возводить что-л. в ранг государственной политики

    to back down from policy — отказываться от какой-л. политики

    to be at odds with policy — противоречить какой-л. политике

    to be committed to one's policy — быть приверженным своей политике

    to be wary about smb's policy — настороженно относиться к чьему-л. политическому курсу

    to break away from smb's policy — отходить от чьей-л. политики

    to bring one's defense policy closer together — согласовывать свою политику в области обороны

    to camouflage one's policy — маскировать свою политику

    to carry out / to carry through policy — проводить политику

    to champion policy — защищать / отстаивать политику

    to change one's policy — менять свою политику

    to conflict with smb's policy — противоречить чьей-л. политике

    to cover up one's policy — маскировать свою политику

    to decide policy — определять политику, принимать политические решения

    to develop / to devise policy — разрабатывать политику

    to dismantle one's policy — отказываться от своей политики

    to dissociate oneself from smb's policy — отмежевываться от чьей-л. политики

    to dither about one's policy — колебаться при проведении своей политики

    to effect a policy of insurance — страховаться; приобретать страховой полис

    to embark on / to embrace policy — принимать какой-л. политический курс

    to execute / to exercise policy — проводить политику

    to follow policy — следовать политике; проводить политику

    to halt smb's policy — останавливать чью-л. политику

    to harden one's policy — ужесточать свою политику / позицию

    to harmonize policy — координировать / согласовывать политику

    to justify one's policy — оправдывать свою политику

    to make clear one's policy — разъяснять свою политику

    to make one's own policy — принимать самостоятельные политические решения

    to overturn policy — отвергать политику, отказываться от какой-л. политики

    to proclaim one's commitment to policy — публично обязываться проводить какую-л. политику

    to propagate policy — пропагандировать / рекламировать политику

    to put one's policy into practice — осуществлять свою политику

    to railroad through one's policy — протаскивать свою политику

    to reappraise one's policy — пересматривать свою политику

    to reassess one's policy toward a country — пересматривать свою политику по отношению к какой-л. стране

    to reconsider one's policy — пересматривать свою политику

    to rethink one's policy — пересматривать свою политику

    to reverse one's policy — изменять свою политику

    to shape policy — определять / разрабатывать политику

    to spearhead one's policy — направлять острие своей политики

    to spell out one's policy in advance — заранее излагать свою политику

    to stick to a policy — придерживаться какой-л. политики

    to thrash out policy — вырабатывать / обсуждать политику

    to tone down one's more controversial policy — ограничивать свои менее популярные политические меры

    to validate policy — поддерживать какую-л. политику / политическую линию

    - active policy
    - adventurist policy
    - adventuristic policy
    - advocacy of policy
    - advocate of policy
    - aggressive policy
    - agrarian policy
    - agricultural policy
    - alternative policy
    - annexationist policy
    - anti-inflationary policy
    - anti-national policy
    - anti-nuclear policy
    - anti-recessionary policy
    - appropriate policy
    - architect of policy
    - arms policy
    - austere policy
    - austerity policy
    - autonomous policy
    - balanced policy
    - banking policy
    - bankrupt policy
    - basic policy
    - beggar-my-neighbor policy
    - bellicose policy
    - big stick policy
    - big-time policy
    - bipartisan policy
    - blind-eye policy
    - bloc policy
    - bomb-in-the-basement policy
    - breach of policy
    - bridge-building policy
    - brinkmanship policy
    - brink-of-war policy
    - broad-brush policy
    - budget policy
    - cadres policy
    - carrot and stick policy
    - cautious policy
    - centrist policy
    - champion of policy
    - change in policy
    - change of emphasis in policy
    - change of policy
    - circumspect policy
    - class policy
    - clean-air policy
    - closed-door trade policy
    - coherent policy
    - cold war policy
    - colonial policy
    - colonialist policy
    - commercial policy
    - commitment to policy of nonintervention
    - common policy
    - comprehensive national science and technology policy
    - comprehensive set of policy
    - concerted policy
    - conduct of policy
    - confrontation policy
    - consistent policy
    - containment policy
    - continuity in policy
    - continuity of policy
    - continuity with smb's policy
    - controversial policy
    - coordinated policy
    - cornerstone of policy
    - counterproductive policy
    - country's fundamental policy
    - credible policy
    - credit card policy
    - credit policy
    - crumbling policy
    - cultural policy
    - current policy
    - damaging policy
    - defeatist policy
    - defense policy
    - deflationary policy
    - demilitarization policy
    - democratic policy
    - departure in policy
    - destabilization policy
    - deterrent policy
    - development policy
    - diametrically opposed policy
    - dilatory policy
    - diplomatic policy
    - disarmament policy
    - discretionary policy
    - discriminatory policy
    - disinflation policy
    - distortion of policy
    - divide-and-rule policy
    - domestic policy
    - dynamic policy
    - economic and commercial policy
    - economic policy
    - embargo policy
    - emigration policy
    - emission policy
    - employment policy
    - energy policy
    - environmental policy
    - erroneous policy
    - European policy
    - even-handed policy
    - expansionary policy
    - expansionist policy
    - experience of policy
    - extreme right-wing policy
    - fair policy
    - farm policy
    - far-reaching policy
    - far-sighted policy
    - federal policy
    - financial policy
    - firm policy
    - fiscal policy
    - flexible policy
    - for reasons of policy
    - foreign aid policy
    - foreign policy
    - foreign trade policy
    - foreign-economic policy
    - formation of foreign policy
    - formulation of policy
    - forward-looking policy
    - framework for policy
    - free trade policy
    - general policy
    - generous policy
    - give-and-take policy
    - global policy
    - godfather to policy
    - good neighbor policy
    - government policy
    - government's policy
    - great-power policy
    - green policy
    - gunboat policy
    - hands-off policy
    - hard-line policy
    - harmful policy
    - harmonized policy
    - health policy
    - hegemonic policy
    - high-risk policy
    - home policy
    - ill-thought-out policy
    - imperial policy
    - imperialist policy
    - import policy
    - import substitution policy
    - in line with policy
    - in the field of foreign policy
    - inadmissibility of policy
    - independent line of policy
    - independent policy
    - industrial policy
    - inflationary policy
    - inhuman policy
    - instigatory policy
    - insurance policy
    - internal policy
    - international policy
    - internment policy
    - interventionist policy
    - intolerableness of policy
    - investment policy
    - iron-fist policy
    - irreversible policy
    - it's against our policy
    - kid-glove policy
    - labor mediation policy
    - laissez-faire policy
    - land policy
    - language policy
    - leash-loosening policy
    - left-wing policy
    - lending policy
    - liberal policy
    - liberalization of policy
    - liberalized policy
    - line of policy
    - long-range policy
    - long-term policy
    - lunatic policy
    - main plank of smb's policy
    - major changes to policy
    - manifestation of policy
    - maritime policy
    - marketing policy
    - massive condemnation of smb's policy
    - militaristic policy
    - misconduct of policy
    - mobile policy
    - moderate policy
    - monetarist policy
    - monetary policy
    - much-heralded policy
    - mushy policy
    - national policy
    - nationalistic policy
    - nationalities policy
    - native policy
    - nativist policy
    - neo-colonialist policy
    - NEP
    - neutral policy
    - neutrality policy
    - New Economic Policy
    - news policy
    - nonaligned policy
    - nonalignment policy
    - noninterference policy
    - nonintervention policy
    - nonnuclear policy
    - nuclear defense policy
    - nuclear deterrent policy
    - nuclear policy
    - nuclear-free policy
    - obstructionist policy
    - official policy
    - official trade policy
    - oil policy
    - old faces can't make new policy
    - one-child-family policy
    - one-sided policy
    - open-door policy
    - openly pursued policy
    - opportunistic policy
    - optimal policy
    - ostrich policy
    - ostrich-like policy
    - outward-looking policy
    - overall policy
    - overtly racist policy
    - parliamentary policy
    - party policy
    - passive policy
    - pay-curb policy
    - peace policy
    - peaceful policy
    - peace-loving policy
    - personnel policy
    - plunderous policy
    - policy from positions of strength
    - policy from strength
    - policy in science and technology
    - policy is bearing fruit
    - policy is constitutional
    - policy of a newspaper
    - policy of aid
    - policy of alliances
    - policy of amicable cooperation with smb
    - policy of appeasement
    - policy of belt-tightening
    - policy of capitulation
    - policy of compromise
    - policy of conciliation
    - policy of confrontation
    - policy of connivance
    - policy of containment
    - policy of cooperation
    - policy of democracy and social progress
    - policy of détente
    - policy of deterrence
    - policy of dictate
    - policy of discrimination
    - policy of economic blockade and sanctions
    - policy of economy
    - policy of elimination
    - policy of expansion and annexation
    - policy of fiscal rigor
    - policy of freedom of expression
    - policy of friendship
    - policy of genocide
    - policy of good-neighborliness
    - policy of goodwill
    - policy of inaction
    - policy of intervention
    - policy of intimidation
    - policy of isolation
    - policy of militarism
    - policy of militarization
    - policy of military confrontation
    - policy of military force
    - policy of national reconciliation
    - policy of neutrality
    - policy of nonalignment
    - policy of noninterference
    - policy of nonintervention
    - policy of nonviolence
    - policy of obstruction
    - policy of openness
    - policy of pacification
    - policy of peace
    - policy of peaceful co-existence
    - policy of plunder
    - policy of protectionism
    - policy of racial segregation and discrimination
    - policy of reconciliation
    - policy of reform
    - policy of reforms
    - policy of regulating prices
    - policy of renewal
    - policy of restraint
    - policy of revanche
    - policy of revenge
    - policy of subjugation
    - policy of violence
    - policy of wage restraint
    - policy of war
    - policy towards a country
    - policy vis-à-vis a country
    - policy with regard to a country
    - policy won out
    - political policy
    - population policy
    - position-of-strength policy
    - practical policy
    - predatory policy
    - price control policy
    - price-formation policy
    - price-pricing policy
    - pricing policy
    - principled policy
    - progressive policy
    - proponent of policy
    - protagonist of policy
    - protectionist policy
    - pro-war policy
    - pro-Western policy
    - public policy
    - push-and-drag policy
    - racial policy
    - racist policy
    - radical policy
    - rapacious policy
    - reactionary policy
    - realistic policy
    - reappraisal of policy
    - reassessment of policy
    - recession-induced policy
    - reevaluation of policy
    - reexamination of policy
    - reform policy
    - reformist policy
    - regional policy
    - renewal of policy
    - re-orientation of policy
    - repressive policy
    - resettlement policy
    - rethink of policy
    - retrograde policy
    - revanchist policy     - revisionist policy
    - rigid economic policy
    - robust foreign policy
    - ruinous policy
    - safe policy
    - sanctions policy
    - scientifically substantiated policy
    - scorched-earth policy
    - selfless policy
    - separatist policy     - short-sighted policy
    - single-child policy
    - social policy
    - socio-economic policy
    - sound policy
    - splitting policy
    - state policy
    - state remuneration of labor policy
    - stated policy
    - staunch policy
    - sterile policy
    - stick-and-carrot policy
    - stringent policy
    - strong policy
    - structural policy
    - suitable policy
    - sustained policy
    - sweeping review of policy
    - switch in policy
    - tariff policy
    - tax policy
    - taxation policy
    - technological policy
    - tight policy
    - tightening of policy
    - time-serving policy
    - tough policy
    - toughening of policy
    - trade policy
    - trade-unionist policy
    - traditional policy
    - treacherous policy
    - turn in policy
    - turning point in policy
    - unified policy
    - united policy
    - unsophisticated policy
    - U-turn in policy
    - viability of policy
    - vigorous policy
    - vote-losing policy
    - wage policy
    - wage-freeze policy
    - wages policy
    - wait-and-see policy
    - war-economy policy
    - wealth-creating policy
    - whip-and-carrot policy
    - wise policy
    - world policy
    - zigzags in policy

    Politics english-russian dictionary > policy

  • 93 dyskusyjny

    adj
    * * *
    a.
    1. (= dotyczący dyskusji) discussion; klub dyskusyjny debating society.
    2. (= sporny) debatable, controversial; kwestia dyskusyjna disputable question; dyskusyjne poglądy controversial views; dyskusyjne stanowisko moot l. debatable position.

    The New English-Polish, Polish-English Kościuszko foundation dictionary > dyskusyjny

  • 94 polémique

    polémique [pɔlemik]
    1. adjective
    [sujet] controversial ; [écrit, article] polemical
    2. feminine noun
    ( = controverse) controversy ( sur about, over)
    * * *
    pɔlemik
    1.
    adjectif polemical

    2.
    nom féminin debate

    de violentes polémiques — fierce debate [U]

    * * *
    pɔlemik
    1. adj
    (= question, sujet) controversial
    2. nf
    * * *
    A adj [œuvre, déclaration] polemical.
    B nf debate; l'affaire suscite de violentes polémiques the affair has sparked off fierce debate.
    [pɔlemik] adjectif
    2. [journaliste, écrivain] provocative
    ————————
    [pɔlemik] nom féminin

    Dictionnaire Français-Anglais > polémique

  • 95 дискуссионный

    1) discussion
    2) (сомнительный, спорный)
    debatable, controversial, open to question
    * * *
    * * *
    * * *
    argumentative
    controversial
    debatable
    disputable

    Новый русско-английский словарь > дискуссионный

  • 96 спорный

    прил.
    disputable, questionable, debatable, arguable, moot; disputed, at issue

    спорный вопрос — moot point, vexed question

    спорный мяч — спорт jump ball, held ball

    спорный пункт — controversial/arguable point

    Русско-английский словарь по общей лексике > спорный

  • 97 argumentative

    аргументированный имя прилагательное:

    Англо-русский синонимический словарь > argumentative

  • 98 debatable

    спорный имя прилагательное:

    Англо-русский синонимический словарь > debatable

  • 99 moot

    1. n ист. собрание свободных граждан для обсуждения дел общины
    2. n учебный судебный процесс
    3. a спорный
    4. v обсуждать, дискутировать; ставить вопрос на обсуждение

    moot hall — помещение, в котором проводилось собрание свободных граждан для обсуждения дел общины

    Синонимический ряд:
    1. controversial (adj.) arguable; contestable; contested; controversial; debatable; disputable; disputed; doubtful; dubious; mootable; problematic; problematical; questionable; refutable; uncertain
    2. immaterial (adj.) immaterial; inconsequential; insignificant; irrelevant
    3. discuss (verb) agitate; argue; canvass; debate; discept; discuss; dispute; pro and con; talk over; thrash out; toss around
    4. raise (verb) bring up; broach; introduce; put forth; raise; ventilate

    English-Russian base dictionary > moot

  • 100 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

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