-
1 ker
-
2 zaradi
because, due, for, account, owing to, through, with -
3 děl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
4 děl̨ьma
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
5 děl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
6 dьl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
7 radi
radi Grammatical information: postp. Proto-Slavic meaning: `for the sake of'Old Church Slavic:Russian:rádi `for the sake of' [post/prep]Serbo-Croatian:rȁdi `for the sake of, because of' [prep];rȃdi `for the sake of' [prep];Slovene:zarȃdi `because of' [prep];zaràd `because of' [prep];rȃdi `because of' [prep]Comments: A borrowing from Iranian?Other cognates:OP rādiy `for the sake of' -
8 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
9 bo
bo Grammatical information: conj.Page in Trubačev: II 141-142Old Church Slavic:bo `for' [conj]Russian:bo (dial.) `if, for, because' [conj]Czech:bo (arch.) `for' [conj]Polish:bo `for, because' [conj]Serbo-Croatian:bo (dial.) `for' [conj]Lithuanian:bà `for' [conj];bè `for' [conj]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoPage in Pokorny: 113Other cognates:Go. ba `that not, if not' -
10 že
že Grammatical information: ptcl.Old Church Slavic:že emphatic particle [ptcl]Russian:že `but, and, after all' [conj];že emphatic particle [ptcl]Czech:že `that, since, because' [conj];že emphatic particle [ptcl]Polish:że `that, since, because' [conj];że emphatic particle [ptcl]Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeOther cognates:Skt. gha, ghā (RV+) `certainly, at least' [ptcl] -
11 bedrò
bedrò; bedra Grammatical information: n. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `thigh'Page in Trubačev: I 175-176, 179-180Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:bedró `thigh, hip' [n o];bedrá (dial.) `thigh' [f ā]Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bèdro `thigh' [n o];bȅdra `thigh' [f ā];Čak. bedrȁ (Vrgada) `thigh' [f ā], bȅdru [Accs]Slovene:bédrọ `thigh' [n o];bédra `thigh' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedró `thigh' [n o]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰedʰ-rómComments: The etymology of this word is unclear. The connection with Ukr. dial. bedrá `large pit, valley, swamp', Pl. ubiedrze `slope, steep bank' and Lith. bẽdrė `swamp, valley', Latv. bedre `pit' (Anikin 1998: 30-31), which derive from *bʰedʰ- `to dig', is semantically unattractive. Pokorny's reconstruction of a root *bed- `to swell' (IEW: 96) is impossible because of Winter's law. -
12 bedra
bedrò; bedra Grammatical information: n. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `thigh'Page in Trubačev: I 175-176, 179-180Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:bedró `thigh, hip' [n o];bedrá (dial.) `thigh' [f ā]Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bèdro `thigh' [n o];bȅdra `thigh' [f ā];Čak. bedrȁ (Vrgada) `thigh' [f ā], bȅdru [Accs]Slovene:bédrọ `thigh' [n o];bédra `thigh' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedró `thigh' [n o]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰedʰ-rómComments: The etymology of this word is unclear. The connection with Ukr. dial. bedrá `large pit, valley, swamp', Pl. ubiedrze `slope, steep bank' and Lith. bẽdrė `swamp, valley', Latv. bedre `pit' (Anikin 1998: 30-31), which derive from *bʰedʰ- `to dig', is semantically unattractive. Pokorny's reconstruction of a root *bed- `to swell' (IEW: 96) is impossible because of Winter's law. -
13 bodàti
bodàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'Page in Trubačev: II 122-122Russian:bodát' `butt' [verb], bodáju [1sg]Czech:Slovak:Slovene:bọ̑dati `sting, stitch' [verb], bọ̑dam [1sg]Bulgarian:bodá `stab, feel a sharp pain' [verb]Lithuanian:badýti `butt, prick' [verb], bãdo [3ps]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰodʰ-IE meaning: stabPage in Pokorny: 113Comments: The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting * bodati under * badati because the o-vocalism is assumed to be analogical. Since in general *bodàti is also semantically closer to bostì (the meaning `investigate' is limited to bādàti) and in some languages occurs alongside *bādàti, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.Other cognates: -
14 čekati
čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37Church Slavic:Russian:čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]Ukrainian:čekáty `wait, await' [verb]Czech:Old Czech:čkáti `wait, await' [verb]Polish:czekać `wait, await' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]Macedonian:čéka `wait, await' [verb]Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-. -
15 či
či Grammatical information: conj.Page in Trubačev: IV 109-110Church Slavic:či `because' [conj];Russian:či (dial.) `if, or' [conj]Czech:či `if' [conj]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:či `if' [conj]Slovene:čì `if' [conj]Indo-European reconstruction: kwiHPage in Pokorny: 646Other cognates:Av. čī `how' [adv];OE hwȳ, hwī `why' [adv] -
16 da
da Grammatical information: conj.Page in Trubačev: IV 180Old Church Slavic:da `(in order) that/to' [conj]Serbo-Croatian:dȁ `(in order) that/to, if' [conj]Slovene:dà `(in order) to, because, though' [conj]Bulgarian:da `(in order) to, that' [conj]Indo-European reconstruction: do-h₁ (dō?)Page in Pokorny: 181Other cognates:OE tō `to' [prep], OIr. do `to' [prep] -
17 drьkolь
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
18 drьkolьje
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
19 dъždžь
dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'Page in Trubačev: V 195-197Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:déšt' `rain' [m jo];Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]Slovincian:dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]Upper Sorbian:dešć `rain' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]Slovene:dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]Bulgarian:dăžd `rain' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)Page in Pokorny: 227+184Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.Other cognates: -
20 jьgra
jьgra; jьgrь Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `play, game'Page in Trubačev: VIII 208-210Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Ukrainian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:ìgra `play(ing), dance' [f ā], ȉgru [Accs];Čak. igrȁ (Vrgada) `play(ing), dance' [f ā], igrȕ [Accs];Čak. ȉgra (Orbanići) `game, play' [f ā], ȉgro [Accs]Slovene:ígra `play' [f ā];igrà `play' [f ā]Bulgarian:igrá `play(ing), game' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 13Comments: Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati `move, stir' < * h₂eig- is semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is conflict with Winter's law.
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