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61 not
not [nɒt]a. (with verb) ne... pas• he has not or hasn't come il n'est pas venu• is it not?• isn't it? n'est-ce pas ?• you have got it, haven't you? vous l'avez, non ?• is it going to rain? -- I hope not va-t-il pleuvoir ? -- j'espère que nonc. ► not soe. (with pronoun) not me! pas moi !f. (with adj) non• are you cold? -- not at all avez-vous froid ? -- pas du tout• thank you very much -- not at all merci beaucoup -- je vous en prie► not only... but also... non seulement... mais aussi...► not that...* * *[nɒt] 1.adverb ne...passhe isn't at home — ( voir note ci-dessous) elle n'est pas chez elle
not only ou just — non seulement
they live in caves, not in houses — ils habitent non pas dans des maisons, mais dans des grottes
2.a not ou not an (entirely) unexpected response — une réponse prévisible
not at all adverbial phrase gen pas du tout; ( responding to thanks) de rien3.not that conjunctional phrase••if she refuses, not that she will... — si elle refuse, je ne dis pas qu'elle le fera...
Dans la langue parlée ou familière, not utilisé avec un auxiliaire ou un modal prend parfois la forme n't qui est alors accolée au verbe (eg you can't go, he hasn't finished) -
62 run
run [rʌn]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. noun4. compounds━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. nouna. ( = act of running) course fb. ( = outing) tour md. ( = series) série fe. ( = period of performance) her new series begins a run on BBC1 sa nouvelle série d'émissions va bientôt passer sur BBC1• the decisive goal arrived, against the run of play le but décisif a été marqué contre le cours du jeuh. ( = type) he didn't fit the usual run of petty criminals il n'avait pas le profil du petit malfaiteur ordinairei. ( = track for skiing) piste fj. ( = animal enclosure) enclos mk. (in tights) échelle f• things will sort themselves out in the long run les choses s'arrangeront avec le temps► on the runa. courir• to run down/off descendre/partir en courant• it runs in the family [characteristic] c'est de familleb. ( = flee) prendre la fuite• run for it! sauvez-vous !• to run into the sea [river] se jeter dans la mer► to run with ( = be saturated)d. ( = be candidate) être candidate. ( = be) I'm running a bit late je suis un peu en retard• inflation is running at 3% le taux d'inflation est de 3 %g. [bus, train, coach, ferry] assurer le service• the buses are running early/late/on time les bus sont en avance/en retard/à l'heureh. ( = function) [machine] marcher ; [factory] être en activité• but if it really happened he'd run a mile (inf) mais si ça se produisait, il aurait vite fait de se débiner (inf)b. ( = transport) [+ person] conduirec. ( = operate) [+ machine] faire marcher ; [+ computer program] exécuterd. ( = organize) [+ business] diriger ; [+ shop] tenir• the company runs extra buses at rush hours la société met en service des bus supplémentaires aux heures de pointe• the school is running courses for foreign students le collège organise des cours pour les étudiants étrangerse. ( = put, move) to run one's finger down a list suivre une liste du doigtf. ( = publish) publierg. ( = cause to flow) faire couler4. compounds• he gave me the run-around il s'est défilé (inf) ► run-down adjective [person] à plat (inf) ; [building, area] délabré► run-off noun [of contest] ( = second round) deuxième tour m ; ( = last round) dernier tour m ; [of pollutants] infiltrations fpl( = find) [+ object, quotation, reference] tomber sur• run along! sauvez-vous !► run away intransitive verb partir en courant ; ( = flee) [person] se sauver• he ran away with the funds ( = stole) il est parti avec la caisse► run away with inseparable transitive verba. ( = win easily) [+ race, match] gagner haut la mainb. you're letting your imagination run away with you tu te laisses emporter par ton imagination► run down separable transitive verba. ( = knock over) renverser ; ( = run over) écrasera. ( = meet) rencontrer par hasard• to run into difficulties or trouble se heurter à des difficultésb. ( = collide with) rentrer dansc. ( = amount to) s'élever à• the cost will run into thousands of euros le coût va atteindre des milliers d'euros► run out intransitive verba. [person] sortir en courantb. ( = come to an end) [lease, contract] expirer ; [supplies] être épuisé ; [period of time] être écoulé[+ supplies, money] être à court de ; [+ patience] être à bout de• to run out of petrol or gas (British, US) tomber en panne d'essence► run out on (inf) inseparable transitive verb[+ person] laisser tomber (inf)► run over( = recapitulate) reprendre• could you run that past me again? est-ce que tu pourrais m'expliquer ça encore une fois ?► run through inseparable transitive verba. ( = read quickly) parcourirb. ( = rehearse) [+ play] répéter• if I may just run through the principal points once more si je peux juste récapituler les points principaux► run to inseparable transitive verba. ( = seek help from) faire appel à ; ( = take refuge with) se réfugier dans les bras dec. ( = amount to) the article runs to several hundred pages l'article fait plusieurs centaines de pages► run up( = climb quickly) monter en courant ; ( = approach quickly) s'approcher en courantb. [+ bills] accumuler[+ problem, difficulty] se heurter à* * *[rʌn] 1.1) ( act of running) course fto give somebody a clear run — fig laisser le champ libre à quelqu'un ( at doing pour faire)
2) ( flight)to have somebody on the run — lit mettre quelqu'un en fuite; fig réussir à effrayer quelqu'un
to make a run for it — fuir, s'enfuir
3) ( series) série f4) Theatre série f de représentations5) ( trend) (of events, market) tendance fthe run of the cards/dice was against me — le jeu était contre moi
6) ( series of thing produced) ( in printing) tirage m; ( in industry) série f7) Finance ( on Stock Exchange) ruée f (on sur)8) (trip, route) trajet m9) (in cricket, baseball) point m10) (for rabbit, chickens) enclos m11) (in tights, material) échelle f12) ( for skiing etc) piste f13) ( in cards) suite f2.1) ( cover by running) courir [distance, marathon]2) ( drive)3) (pass, move)4) ( manage) dirigera well-/badly-run organization — une organisation bien/mal dirigée
5) ( operate) faire fonctionner [machine]; faire tourner [motor]; exécuter [program]; entretenir [car]6) (organize, offer) organiser [competition, course]; mettre [quelque chose] en place [bus service]7) ( pass) passer [cable]8) ( cause to flow) faire couler [bath]; ouvrir [tap]9) ( publish) publier [article]10) ( pass through) franchir [rapids]; forcer [blockade]; brûler [red light]11) ( smuggle) faire passer [quelque chose] en fraude12) ( enter) faire courir [horse]; présenter [candidate]3.1) ( move quickly) [person, animal] courirto run across/down something — traverser/descendre quelque chose en courant
to run for ou to catch the bus — courir pour attraper le bus
to come running — courir ( towards vers)
2) ( flee) fuir, s'enfuirrun for your life! —
run for it! — (colloq) sauve qui peut!, déguerpissons! (colloq)
3) (colloq) ( rush off) filer (colloq)4) ( function) [machine] marcherto run off — fonctionner sur [mains, battery]
to run fast/slow — [clock] prendre de l'avance/du retard
5) (continue, last) [contract, lease] courirto run from... to... — [school year, season] aller de... à...
7) ( pass)to run past/through — [frontier, path] passer/traverser
the road runs north for about ten kilometres — la route va vers le nord sur une dizaine de kilomètres
8) ( move) [sledge, vehicle] glisser; [curtain] coulisserto run through somebody's hands — [rope] filer entre les mains de quelqu'un
9) ( operate regularly) circuler10) ( flow) coulerthe streets will be running with blood — fig le sang coulera à flots dans les rues
11) ( flow when wet or melted) [dye, garment] déteindre; [makeup, butter] couler12) ( as candidate) se présenterto run for — être candidat/-e au poste de [mayor, governor]
to run for president — être candidat/-e à la présidence
13) ( be worded)the telex runs... — le télex se présente or est libellé comme suit...
14) ( snag) filer•Phrasal Verbs:- run at- run away- run down- run in- run into- run off- run on- run out- run over- run to- run up•• -
63 so
so [səʊ]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. adverb2. conjunction3. compounds━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. adverb• so easy/quickly si facile/rapidement• is it really so tiring? est-ce vraiment si fatigant ?• do you really need so long? vous faut-il vraiment autant de temps ?► so... (that) si... que• he was so nervous (that) he could hardly write il était si nerveux qu'il pouvait à peine écrire► so... as to do sth assez... pour faire qch• he was so stupid as to tell her il a été assez stupide pour lui raconter► not so... as pas aussi... queb. ( = very, to a great extent) tellement• I'm so tired! je suis tellement fatigué !• Elizabeth, who so loved France Elizabeth, qui aimait tant la Francec. (unspecified amount) how tall is he? -- oh, about so tall (accompanied by gesture) quelle taille fait-il ? -- oh, à peu près comme çad. ( = thus, in this way) ainsi• so it was that... c'est ainsi que...• it so happened that... il s'est trouvé que...• how long will it take? -- a week or so combien de temps cela va-t-il prendre ? -- une semaine environ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► Note that pour que is followed by the subjunctive.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• he arranged the timetable so that the afternoons were free il a organisé l'emploi du temps de façon à laisser les après-midi libresf. (used as substitute for phrase, word) so I believe c'est ce que je crois• is that so? ah bon !• if that is so... s'il en est ainsi...• I told you so! je te l'avais bien dit !• so it seems! apparemment !• he said they would be there and so they were il a dit qu'ils seraient là, et en effet ils y étaient• so do I!• so have I!• so am I! moi aussi !• if you do that so will I si tu fais ça, j'en ferai autant• it's raining -- so it is! il pleut -- en effet !• I didn't say that! -- you did so! (inf) je n'ai pas dit ça ! -- mais si, tu l'as dit !• I'm not going, so there! je n'y vais pas, là !2. conjunctiona. ( = therefore) donc• he was late, so he missed the train il est arrivé en retard et a donc manqué le train• the roads are busy so be careful il y a beaucoup de circulation, alors fais bien attentionb. (exclamatory) so there he is! le voilà donc !• so you're selling it? alors vous le vendez ?• so he's come at last! il est donc enfin arrivé !• and so you see... alors comme vous voyez...3. compounds(plural so-and-sos)• Mr/Mrs So-and-so Monsieur/Madame Untel* * *[səʊ] 1.1) ( so very) si, tellementnot so (colloq) thin as — pas aussi maigre que
I'm not feeling so good — (colloq) je ne me sens pas très bien
2) ( to limited extent)3) ( in such a way)just as in the 19th century, so today — tout comme au XIXe siècle, aujourd'hui
4) ( for that reason)5) ( true)6) ( also) aussiif they accept so do I — s'ils acceptent, j'accepte aussi
7) (colloq) ( thereabouts) environ8) ( as introductory remark)9) ( avoiding repetition)he's conscientious, perhaps too much so — il est consciencieux, peut-être même trop
he dived and as he did so... — il a plongé et en le faisant...
I'm afraid so — j'ai bien peur que oui or si
10) sout ( referring forward or back)if you so wish you may... — si vous le souhaitez, vous pouvez...
11) ( reinforcing a statement)‘I thought you liked it?’ - ‘so I do’ — ‘je croyais que ça te plaisait’ - ‘mais ça me plaît’
‘it's broken’ - ‘so it is’ — ‘c'est cassé’ - ‘je le vois bien!’
‘I'm sorry’ - ‘so you should be’ — ‘je suis désolé’ - ‘j'espère bien’
12) (colloq) ( refuting a statement)‘he didn't hit you’ - ‘he did so!’ — ‘il ne t'a pas frappé?’ - ‘si, il m'a frappé’
I can so make waffles — si, je sais faire les gaufres
13) (colloq) ( as casual response) et alors‘I'm leaving’ - ‘so?’ — ‘je m'en vais’ - ‘et alors?’
2.so why worry! — et alors, il n'y pas de quoi t'en faire!
so (that) conjunctional phrase1) ( in such a way that) de façon à ce queshe wrote the instructions so that they'd be easily understood — elle a rédigé les instructions de façon à ce qu'elles soient faciles à comprendre
2) ( in order that) pour que3.so as conjunctional phrase pour4.so much adverbial phrase, pronominal phrase1) (also so many) ( such large quantity) tant de2) (also so many) ( limited amount)3) ( to such an extent) tellement4) ( in contrasts)5.so much as adverbial phrase ( even) même6.so much for prepositional phrase1) ( having finished with)so much for that problem, now for... — assez parlé de ce problème, parlons maintenant de...
2) (colloq) ( used disparagingly)7.so long as (colloq) conjunctional phrase long••so long! — (colloq) à bientôt!
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64 speak
speak [spi:k]• to speak to o.s. parler tout seul• speaking personally... personnellement...• speaking as a member of the society I... en tant que membre de la société je...• speaking! lui-même (or elle-même) !• Mr Latimer will speak next ensuite c'est M. Latimer qui prendra la parole► speaking• biologically/philosophically speaking biologiquement/philosophiquement parlant► speaking of► to speak for sb ( = be spokesman for) parler au nom de qn ; ( = give evidence for) parler en faveur de qn• speaking for myself... en ce qui me concerne...• he has no friends/money to speak of il n'a pour ainsi dire pas d'amis/d'argent[+ language] parler• "English spoken" « ici on parle anglais »3. noun= speak upa. ( = talk loudly) parler fort ; ( = raise one's voice) parler plus fort• speak up! (parle) plus fort ; ( = don't mumble) parle plus clairement !b. he's not afraid to speak up ( = say what he thinks) il n'a pas peur de dire franchement ce qu'il pense* * *[spiːk] 1.- speak combining form jargon m2.1) parler [language]‘French spoken’ — ‘on parle français’
2) (tell, utter) dire [truth, poetry]; prononcer [word, name]3.1) ( talk) parler (to à; about, of de)to speak ill/well of somebody — dire du mal/du bien de quelqu'un
to speak through — parler par l'intermédiaire de [medium, interpreter]
who's speaking please? — ( on phone) qui est à l'appareil s'il vous plaît?
‘is that Miss Durham?’ - ‘speaking!’ — ‘Mademoiselle Durham?’ - ‘c'est moi!’
this is your captain speaking — Aviation ici le commandant de bord
speaking of which, have you booked a table? — tiens, à propos, as-tu réservé une table?
speaking of lunch, Nancy... — à propos du déjeuner, Nancy...
speaking as a layman... — en tant que non-spécialiste...
2) ( converse) parler (about, of de; to, with à)3) ( make a speech) parler; ( more formal) prendre la paroleto speak from the floor — Politics parler de sa place
to speak about ou on — parler de
4) littérto speak of — témoigner de [suffering, emotion]
•Phrasal Verbs:- speak to- speak up -
65 stick
stick [stɪk]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. noun2. plural noun5. compounds━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► vb: pret, ptp stuck━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. nouna. ( = length of wood) bâton m ; ( = twig) brindille f ; ( = walking stick) canne f ; (Hockey) crosse fb. ( = piece) morceau m ; [of dynamite] bâton m ; [of chewing gum] tablette f ; [of celery] branche f ; [of rhubarb] tige f2. plural nouna. ( = firewood) petit bois ma. ( = thrust) [+ pin, fork] piquer ; [+ knife] plantera. ( = embed itself) [needle, spear] se planterc. ( = remain) rester► to stick to sb/sth• she stuck to him all through the holiday elle ne l'a pas lâché d'une semelle pendant toutes les vacances• stick at it! persévère !► to stick with sb/sth ( = stay beside) rester avec ; ( = stay loyal) rester fidèle à ; [+ activity, sport] s'en tenir à• stick with him! (inf) ne le perdez pas de vue !e. ( = get jammed) se coincer ; [machine, lift] tomber en pannef. ( = balk) he will stick at nothing to get what he wants il ne recule devant rien pour obtenir ce qu'il veutg. ( = protrude) the nail was sticking through the plank le clou dépassait de la planche5. compounds► stick around (inf) intransitive verb rester dans les parages ; ( = be kept waiting) poireauter (inf)a. [+ needle, pin, fork] piquer ; (forcefully) planter ; [+ knife] enfoncer ; [+ photo in album] coller( = protrude) dépasser ; [balcony] faire sailliea. [+ one's arm, head] sortira. [labels, pages, objects] être collés ensembleb. ( = stay together) rester ensemble ; ( = maintain solidarity) se serrer les coudesa. ( = protrude) dépasserb. ► to stick up for (inf)• to stick up for o.s. défendre ses intérêtsa. [+ notice] afficher• stick 'em up! (inf)* * *[stɪk] 1.1) ( piece of wood) bâton m; ( for kindling) bout m de bois; ( for lollipop) bâton m2) (also walking stick) canne f3) ( rod-shaped piece)a stick of chalk/dynamite — un bâton de craie/dynamite
5) ( conductor's baton) baguette f6) (colloq) ( piece of furniture)7) (colloq) GB ( person)a funny old stick — un drôle de bonhomme/une drôle de bonne femme m/f
8) (colloq) ( criticism)2.to get ou take (some) stick — se faire critiquer
(colloq) sticks plural noun3.in the sticks — en pleine cambrousse (sl), dans la campagne
transitive verb (prét, pp stuck)1)2) ( put)stick your coat on the chair — (colloq) mets ton manteau sur la chaise
to stick an advert in the paper — (colloq) mettre une annonce dans le journal
to stick somebody in a home — (colloq) mettre quelqu'un dans une maison de retraite
3) ( fix) coller [poster, stamp] (to à)‘stick no bills’ — ‘défense d'afficher’
4) (colloq) GB ( bear) supporter [person]5) (colloq) ( impose)4.to stick an extra £10 on the price — augmenter le prix de 10 livres
intransitive verb (prét, pp stuck)1) [stamp, glue] collerto stick to the pan — [sauce, rice] coller au fond de la casserole, attacher (colloq)
2) ( jam) [drawer, door, lift] se coincer3) ( remain) resterto stick in somebody's memory ou mind — rester gravé dans la mémoire de quelqu'un
stick around! — (colloq) reste là!
•Phrasal Verbs:- stick at- stick by- stick to- stick up••to have ou get hold of the wrong end of the stick — mal comprendre
to up sticks (colloq) — plier bagages
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66 such
such [sʌt∫]1. adjectivea. ( = of that sort) tel, pareil• did you ever hear of such a thing? avez-vous jamais entendu une chose pareille ?• ... or some such thing... ou une chose de ce genreb. ( = so much) tellement, tant• we had such a surprise! quelle surprise nous avons eue !• there was such a lot of noise that... il y avait tellement de bruit que...► no such...• there's no such thing! ça n'existe pas !• animals such as cats les animaux tels que or comme les chats• such as? (inf) quoi, par exemple ?• you can take my car, such as it is vous pouvez prendre ma voiture pour ce qu'elle vaut► such... as• I'm not such a fool as to believe that! je ne suis pas assez bête pour croire ça !• have you such a thing as a penknife? auriez-vous un canif par hasard ?• until such time as... jusqu'à ce que... + subj en attendant que... + subj2. adverba. ( = so very) si• it was such a long time ago! il y a si longtemps de ça !3. pronoun• the work as such is boring, but the pay is good le travail en soi est ennuyeux, mais le salaire est bon4. compounds* * *[sʌtʃ] 1.2.she's a good singer and recognized as such — c'est une bonne chanteuse et elle est reconnue comme telle
1) ( of kind previously mentioned) ( replicated) tel/telle; ( similar) pareil/-eille; ( of similar sort) de ce type (after n)there's no such person — il/elle n'existe pas
2) ( of specific kind)to be such that — être tel/telle que
his movements were such as to arouse suspicion — il se conduisait de telle façon qu'il éveillait les soupçons
3) ( any possible)such money as I have — le peu d'argent or tout l'argent que j'ai
4) ( so great) tel/telle5) iron (of such small worth, quantity)3.we picked up the apples, such as there were — nous avons ramassé les rares pommes qu'il y avait par terre
4.there were (ever (colloq)) such a lot of people — il y avait beaucoup de monde
such as phrasal determiner, conjunctional phrase comme, tel/telle quesuch a house as this, a house such as this — une maison comme celle-ci
such as? — ( as response) gen quoi par exemple?
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67 term
term [tɜ:m]1. nouna. (for students) trimestre m• the autumn/spring/summer term le premier/second/troisième trimestreb. ( = period) période f• in the medium/short term à moyen/court terme2. plural noun• on what terms? à quelles conditions ?• "inclusive terms: £20" « 20 livres tout compris »► in terms of ( = as regards)in terms of production we are doing well sur le plan de la production nous avons de quoi être satisfaits• to look at sth in terms of the effect it will have considérer qch sous l'angle de l'effet que cela aura• we must think in terms of... ( = consider the possibility of) il faut envisager...► to be on + adjective terms with sb• to be on good/bad terms with sb être en bons/mauvais termes avec qn• they're on friendly terms ils ont des rapports amicaux► to come to terms with [+ problem, situation] accepter4. compounds* * *[tɜːm] 1.1) ( period of time) gen période f, terme m; School, University trimestre m; Law ( duration of lease) durée f (de bail)term of imprisonment — peine f de prison
to have reached (full) term — ( of pregnancy) être à terme
autumn/spring/summer term — School, University premier/deuxième/troisième trimestre
2) (word, phrase) terme mterm of abuse — injure f
she condemned their action in the strongest possible terms — elle a condamné leur action très fermement
3) ( limit) terme m also Mathematics2.terms plural noun1) ( conditions) gen termes mpl; ( of will) dispositions fpl; Commerce conditions fpl de paiementterms and conditions — Law modalités fpl
terms of trade — Commerce, Economics termes de l'échange international
on easy terms — Commerce avec facilités fpl de paiement
terms of surrender — Politics conditions de la reddition
2)to come to terms with — assumer [identity, past, condition, disability]; accepter [death, defeat, failure]; affronter [issue]
3) ( relations) termes mpl4) ( point of view)3.in his/their etc terms — selon ses/leurs etc critères
in terms of prepositional phrase1) gen, Mathematics ( as expressed by) en fonction de2) ( from the point of view of) du point de vue de, sur le plan de4.they own very little in terms of real property — ils ne possèdent pas grand-chose en fait de biens immobiliers
transitive verb appeler, nommer -
68 that
that [ðæt, ðət]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━4. conjunction5. adverb━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━(plural those)• what about that £20 I lent you? et ces 20 livres que je t'ai prêtées ?b. (stressed, or as opposed to this, these) ce...-là, cet...-là cette...-là, ces...-là• but that Saturday... mais ce samedi-là...• which video do you want? -- that one quelle vidéo veux-tu ? -- celle-là• of all his records, I like that one best de tous ses disques, c'est celui-là que je préfère• the only blankets we have are those ones there les seules couvertures que nous ayons sont celles-là• there's little to choose between this model and that one il n'y a pas grande différence entre ce modèle-ci et l'autre► that much━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• what's that? qu'est-ce que c'est que ça ?• do you like that? vous aimez cela ?• that's enough! ça suffit !• that's fine! c'est parfait !• that is (to say)... c'est-à-dire...• is that you Paul? c'est toi Paul ?• this is the opposite of that which the government claims to have done c'est le contraire de ce que le gouvernement prétend avoir fait• those over there ceux-là (or celles-là) là-bas• are those our seats? est-ce que ce sont nos places ?• those are nice sandals elles sont belles, ces sandales• the true cost often differs from that which is first projected le coût réel est souvent différent de celui qui était prévu à l'origine► those which ( = the ones which) ceux qui mpl celles qui fpl• there are those who say... certains disent...► at that!• and there were six of them at that! et en plus ils étaient six !► by that• what do you mean by that? qu'est-ce que vous voulez dire par là ?► that's it ( = the job's finished) ça y est ; ( = that's what I mean) c'est ça ; ( = that's all) c'est tout ; ( = I've had enough) ça suffit• sorry, I wasn't listening -- that's just it, you never listen! désolé, je n'écoutais pas -- c'est bien le problème, tu n'écoutes jamais !► so that's that alors c'est ça• so that's that then, you're leaving? alors c'est ça, tu t'en vas ?━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• the man that she was dancing with l'homme avec lequel or avec qui elle dansait• the children that I spoke to les enfants auxquels or à qui j'ai parlé━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► dont is used when the French verb takes de.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• the girl/the book that I told you about la jeune fille/le livre dont je vous ai parlé4. conjunction• he was speaking so softly that I could hardly hear him il parlait si bas que je l'entendais à peine━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► que cannot be omitted in a second clause if it has a different subject.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• he said that he was very busy and his secretary would deal with it il a dit qu'il était très occupé et que sa secrétaire s'en occuperait• it's an attractive investment in that it is tax-free c'est un investissement intéressant dans la mesure où il est exonéré d'impôts► not that non (pas) que5. adverba. ( = so) si• it's not that important/bad ce n'est pas si important/mal (que ça)• when I found it I was that relieved! lorsque je l'ai trouvé, je me suis senti tellement soulagé !* * *1. [ðæt, ðət]determiner (pl those) ce/cet/cette/ces2. [ðæt]that chair/that man over there — cette chaise/cet homme là-bas
1) ( that one) celui-/celle-/ceux-/celles-là2) ( the thing or person observed or mentioned) cela, ça, cewho's that? — gen qui est-ce?; ( on phone) qui est à l'appareil?
before that, he had always lived in London — avant cela, il avait toujours vécu à Londres
3) ( before relative pronoun)3. [ðət]those who... — ceux qui...
relative pronoun ( subject) qui; ( object) que; ( with preposition) lequel/laquelle/lesquels/lesquelles4. [ðət]1) gen que2) ( expressing wish)5. [ðæt]oh that he would come — s'il pouvait venir; ( expressing surprise)
••...and (all) that —...et tout ça
...and he's very nice at that! —...et en plus il est très gentil!
I might well go at that! — en fait, je pourrais bien y aller!
at that, he got up and left — en entendant cela, il s'est levé et est parti
that is (to say)... — c'est-à-dire...
that's it! — ( that's right) c'est ça!; ( that's enough) ça suffit!
well, that's it then! — il n'y a rien de plus à faire!
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69 turn
turn [tɜ:n]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. noun4. compounds━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. nouna. [of wheel] tour mb. ( = bend) virage m• take the next turn on the left prenez la prochaine route (or rue) à gauche• the patient took a turn for the worse/better l'état du malade s'est aggravé/améliorée. ( = action) to do sb a good turn rendre un service à qnf. ( = act) numéro mg. (in game, queue) tour m• whose turn is it? c'est à qui (le tour) ?► by turns• my sister and I visit our mother by turns ma sœur et moi rendons visite à notre mère à tour de rôle► in turn ( = one after another) à tour de rôle ; ( = then) à mon (or son or notre etc) tour• and they, in turn, said... et, à leur tour, ils ont dit...► out of turn• I don't want to speak out of turn but... je ne devrais peut-être pas dire cela mais...► to a turn• done to a turn [food] à point► turn of + noun━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► For turn + adverb/preposition combinations see also phrasal verbs.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━a. [+ handle, key, wheel, page] tournerb. [+ mattress] retournerd. ( = reach) [+ age, time] as soon as he turned 18 dès qu'il a eu 18 ans• he would turn in his grave if he knew... il se retournerait dans sa tombe s'il savait...► to turn on sth ( = depend)b. ( = move in different direction) [person, vehicle] tourner ; ( = reverse direction) faire demi-tour ; [road, river] faire un coude ; [tide] changer de directionc. ( = become)► turn + adjective• to turn nasty/pale devenir méchant/pâle• the whole thing turned into a nightmare c'est devenu un véritable cauchemar► to turn to + nound. ( = change) [weather] changer ; [leaves] jaunir4. compounds[+ business, economy] remettre sur pied[traveller] faire demi-tour ; ( = reverse a decision) faire marche arrièrea. ( = send back) faire faire demi-tour à ; [+ demonstrators] faire refluer• we can't turn the clock back on ne peut pas revenir en arrière► turn down separable transitive verbb. [+ heat, sound] baissera. to turn in to a driveway [car, person] tourner dans une alléeb. ( = go to bed) (inf) aller se couchera. ( = hand over) [+ wanted man] livrer (à la police)• to turn o.s. in se rendrea. [person, vehicle] tournerb. to turn off automatically [heater, oven] s'éteindre automatiquement[+ road] quittera. [+ water, tap] fermer ; [+ radio, television, electricity, gas, heater] éteindre ; [+ water, electricity] (at main) couper• what turns teenagers off science? qu'est-ce qui fait que les sciences n'attirent pas les adolescents ?► turn onb. millions of viewers turn on at 6 o'clock des millions de téléspectateurs allument la télé à 6 heures( = attack) attaquera. [+ tap] ouvrir ; [+ gas, electricity, television, heater] allumer ; [+ engine, machine] mettre en marchec. ( = happen) se passer• as it turned out, nobody came en fin de compte personne n'est venu• it turned out nice [weather] il a fait beau en fin de comptea. [+ light] éteindreb. ( = empty out) [+ pockets, suitcase] vider ; [+ room, cupboard] nettoyer à fond ; ( = expel) [+ tenant] expulserc. ( = produce) fabriquera. ( = roll over) se retournerb. ( = change channel) changer de chaîne ; ( = turn page) tourner la pagea. [+ page] tourner ; [+ mattress, earth, playing card, tape] retournerb. ( = hand over) [+ person] livrer (to à)• the firm turns over $10,000 a week l'entreprise réalise un chiffre d'affaires de 10 000 dollars par semaine► turn rounda. [person] se retourner ; ( = change direction) [person, vehicle] faire demi-tour ; ( = rotate) [object] tournerb. ( = improve) se redressera. tourner ; [+ person] faire tourner• he turned the ship round [captain] il a fait demi-tourb. ( = make successful) redresser ; ( = rephrase) reformuler( = arrive) arriver• don't worry about your ring, I'm sure it will turn up ne t'en fais pas pour ta bague, je suis sûr que tu finiras par la retrouvera. [+ collar] relever ; [+ sleeve] retrousserb. ( = find) [+ evidence] trouver• a survey turned up more than 3,000 people suffering from AIDS une enquête a révélé que plus de 3 000 personnes étaient atteintes du sidac. [+ radio, television] mettre plus fort* * *[tɜːn] 1.1) (in games, sequence) tour m‘miss a turn’ — ‘passez votre tour’
to have a turn on ou at ou with the computer — utiliser l'ordinateur à son tour
to take turns at doing —
to speak out of turn — fig commettre un impair
2) ( circular movement) tour mto do a turn — [dancer] faire un tour
3) ( in vehicle) virage mto make ou do a left/right turn — tourner à gauche/à droite
‘no left turn’ — ‘défense de tourner à gauche’
4) (bend, side road) tournant m, virage mtake the next right turn —
5) (change, development) tournure fto take a turn for the better — [person, situation] s'améliorer; [things, events] prendre une meilleure tournure
to take a turn for the worse — [situation] se dégrader; [health] s'aggraver
to be on the turn — [luck, milk] commencer à tourner; [tide] commencer à changer; century
6) (colloq) GB ( attack) crise fa giddy ou dizzy turn — un vertige
to have a funny turn — se sentir tout/-e chose (colloq)
it gave me quite a turn —
7) ( act) numéro m2.in turn adverbial phrase1) ( in rotation) [answer, speak] à tour de rôle2) ( linking sequence) à son tour3.transitive verb1) ( rotate) [person] tourner [wheel, handle]; serrer [screw]; [mechanism] faire tourner [cog, wheel]to turn the key in the door ou lock — ( lock up) fermer la porte à clé; ( unlock) tourner la clé dans la serrure
2) (turn over, reverse) retourner [mattress, soil, steak, collar]; tourner [page]3) ( change direction of) tourner [chair, head, face, car]to turn one's back on — lit tourner le dos à [group, place]; fig laisser tomber [friend, ally]; abandonner [homeless, needy]
4) ( focus direction of)to turn something on somebody — braquer quelque chose sur quelqu'un [gun, hose, torch]; fig diriger quelque chose sur quelqu'un [anger, scorn]
5) ( transform)to turn something white/black — blanchir/noircir quelque chose
to turn something milky/opaque — rendre quelque chose laiteux/opaque
to turn something into — transformer quelque chose en [office, car park, desert]
to turn water into ice/wine — changer de l'eau en glace/vin
to turn somebody into — [magician] changer quelqu'un en [frog]; [experience] faire de quelqu'un [extrovert, maniac]
7) (colloq) ( pass the age of)she has just turned 20/30 — elle vient d'avoir 20/30 ans
8) ( on lathe) tourner [wood, piece, spindle]4.1) ( change direction) [person, car, plane, road] tourner; [ship] virerto turn down ou into — tourner dans [street, alley]
to turn towards — tourner en direction de [village, mountains]
the conversation turned to Ellie — on en est venu/ils en sont venus à parler d'Ellie
2) ( reverse direction) [person, vehicle] faire demi-tour; [tide] changer; [luck] tourner; turn around3) ( revolve) [key, wheel, planet] tourner; [person] se tournerto turn on — [argument] tourner autour de [point, issue]; [outcome] dépendre de [factor]
5) ( spin round angrily)to turn on somebody — [dog] attaquer quelqu'un; [person] se retourner contre quelqu'un
to turn to — se tourner vers [person, religion]
to turn to drink/drugs — se mettre à boire/se droguer
I don't know where ou which way to turn — je ne sais plus où donner de la tête (colloq)
7) ( change)to turn into — [person, tadpole] se transformer en [frog]; [sofa] se transformer en [bed]; [situation, evening] tourner à [farce, disaster]
to turn to — [substance] se changer en [ice, gold]; [fear, surprise] faire place à [horror, relief]
8) ( become by transformation) devenir [pale, cloudy, green]to turn white/black/red — blanchir/noircir/rougir
the weather is turning cold/warm — le temps se rafraîchit/se réchauffe
9) (colloq) ( become) devenir [Conservative, Communist]10) ( go sour) [milk] tourner11) [trees, leaves] jaunir•Phrasal Verbs:- turn in- turn off- turn on- turn out- turn up••at every turn — ( all the time) à tout moment; ( everywhere) partout
one good turn deserves another — Prov c'est un prêté pour un rendu
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70 what
what [wɒt]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. adjective2. pronoun3. compounds━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. adjective• what time is it? quelle heure est-il ?• what flavours do you want? quels parfums voulez-vous ?• what subjects did you choose? quelles matières as-tu choisies ?b. ( = all the) I gave him what money I had je lui ai donné tout l'argent que j'avais• I will give you what information we have je vais vous donner toutes les informations dont nous disposonsc. (exclamations) what a nice surprise! quelle bonne surprise !• what a ridiculous suggestion! quelle suggestion ridicule !• what a nightmare! quel cauchemar !• what a nuisance! quelle barbe ! (inf)• what a lot of people! que de monde !• what lovely hair you've got! quels jolis cheveux tu as !2. pronouna. (used alone, or in emphatic position) quoi• what? I didn't get that quoi ? je n'ai pas compris• I've forgotten something -- what? j'ai oublié quelque chose -- quoi ?• he's getting married -- what! il se marie -- quoi !• what! you expect me to believe that! quoi ! et tu penses que je vais croire ça !━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► quoi is used with a preposition, if the French verb requires one.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• I've just thought of something -- what? je viens de penser à quelque chose -- à quoi ?• I've just remembered something -- what? je viens de me souvenir de quelque chose -- de quoi ?• what's happened? qu'est-ce qui s'est passé ?• what's bothering you? qu'est-ce qui te préoccupe ?• what's for dinner? qu'est-ce qu'il y a pour dîner ?• what is his address? quelle est son adresse ?• what's the French for "pen"? comment dit-on « pen » en français ?• what is this called? comment ça s'appelle ?━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► When asking for a definition or explanation, c'est quoi is often used in spoken French.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• what are capers? c'est quoi, les câpres ?• what's that noise? c'est quoi, ce bruit ?━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► The object pronoun que is more formal than qu'est-ce que and requires inversion of verb and pronoun.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• what did you do? qu'avez-vous fait ?• what can we do? qu'est-ce qu'on peut faire ? que peut-on faire ?━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► The French preposition cannot be separated from the pronoun.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━• what does he owe his success to? à quoi doit-il son succès ?• what were you talking about? de quoi parliez-vous ?• what's the best time to call? quel est le meilleur moment pour vous joindre ?• what are the advantages? quels sont les avantages ?e. ( = how much) combien• what will it cost? ça va coûter combien ?• what does it weigh? ça pèse combien ?• what do 2 and 2 make? combien font 2 et 2 ?• what does it matter? qu'est-ce que ça peut bien faire ?━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━g. (in relative clauses) ( = that which) (subject of verb) ce qui ; (object of verb) ce que ; (object of verb taking "de") ce dont ; (object of verb taking "à") ce à quoi• what I don't understand is... ce que je ne comprends pas c'est...• what I need is... ce dont j'ai besoin c'est...━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► When what means the ones which, the French pronoun is generally plural.━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━► and what...are you coming or what? tu viens ou quoi ? (inf)tell you what, let's stay here another day j'ai une idée: si on restait un jour de plus ?► what about• what about people who haven't got cars? et les gens qui n'ont pas de voiture ?• what about going to the cinema? si on allait au cinéma ?► what for? pourquoi ?• what did you do that for? pourquoi avez-vous fait ça ?• what if this doesn't work out? et si ça ne marchait pas ?• what if he says no? et s'il refuse ?► what of• but what of the country's political leaders? et les dirigeants politiques du pays ?• I've done this job long enough to know what's what je fais ce travail depuis assez longtemps pour savoir de quoi il retourne► what with• what with the stress and lack of sleep, I was in a terrible state entre le stress et le manque de sommeil, j'étais dans un état lamentable3. compounds* * *[wɒt], US [hwɒt] 1.1) ( what exactly) ( as subject) qu'est-ce qui; ( as object) que, qu'est-ce que; ( with prepositions) quoiwhat for? — ( why) pourquoi?; ( concerning what) à propos de quoi?
what's this called in Flemish? —
2) ( in rhetorical questions)what's the use? — ( enquiringly) à quoi bon?; ( exasperatedly) à quoi ça sert?
3) ( whatever)4) ( in clauses) ( as subject) ce qui; ( as object) ce que, (before vowel) ce qu'this is what is called a ‘monocle’ — c'est ce qu'on appelle un ‘monocle’
and what's worse ou better — et en plus
5) (colloq) ( when guessing)it'll cost, what, £50 — ça coutera, quoi, dans les 50 livres?
6) ( inviting repetition)2.what's that? —
1) ( which) quel/quelle/quels/quelles2) ( in exclamations) quel/quellewhat use is that? — lit, fig à quoi ça sert?
3) ( the amount of)what money he earns he spends — tout ce qu'il gagne, il le dépense
3.what little she has — le peu qu'elle a, tout ce qu'elle a
what about prepositional phrase1) ( when drawing attention)what about the letter they sent? — et la lettre qu'ils ont envoyée, alors?
2) ( when making suggestion)3) ( in reply)4.‘what about your sister?’ - ‘what about her?’ — ‘et ta sœur?’ - ‘quoi ma sœur?’
what if prepositional phrase et si5.what with prepositional phrase6.exclamation quoi!, comment!••to give somebody what for — (colloq) GB passer un savon (colloq) à quelqu'un
well, what do you know — iron tout arrive
what do you think I am! — (colloq) tu me prends pour quoi!
what's it to you? — (colloq) en quoi ça vous regarde?
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71 Artificial Intelligence
In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, EventuallyJust as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)5) Problems in Machine Intelligence Arise Because Things Obvious to Any Person Are Not Represented in the ProgramMany problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)[AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract FormThe basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory FormationIt is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular ContextsEven if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial IntelligenceThe primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary PropositionsIn artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence
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72 Historical Portugal
Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims inPortugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and theChurch (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict untilUN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU. -
73 Nervi, Pier Luigi
[br]b. 21 June 1891 Sondrio, Italyd. 9 January 1979 (?), Italy[br]Italian engineer who played a vital role in the use and adaptation of reinforced concrete as a structural material from the 1930s to the 1970s.[br]Nervi early established a reputation in the use of reinforced concrete with his stadium in Florence (1930–2). This elegant concrete structure combines graceful curves with functional solidity and is capable of seating some 35,000 spectators. The stadium was followed by the aircraft hangars built for the Italian Air Force at Orvieto and Ortebello, in which he spanned the vast roofs of the hangars with thin-shelled vaults supported by precast concrete beams and steel-reinforced ribs. The structural strength and subtle curves of these ribbed roofs set the pattern for Nervi's techniques, which he subsequently varied and elaborated on to solve problems that arose in further commissions.Immediately after the Second World War Italy was short of supplies of steel for structural purposes so, in contrast to the USA, Britain and Germany, did not for some years construct any quantity of steel-framed rectangular buildinngs used for offices, housing or industrial use. It was Nervi who led the way to a ferroconcrete approach, using a new type of structure based on these materials in the form of a fine steel mesh sprayed with cement mortar and used to roof all kinds of structures. It was a method that resulted in expressionist curves instead of rectangular blocks, and the first of his great exhibition halls at Turin (1949), with a vault span of 240 ft (73 m), was an early example of this technique. Nervi continued to create original and beautiful ferroconcrete structures of infinite variety: for example, the hall at the Lido di Roma, Ostia; the terme at Chianciano; and the three buildings that he designed for the Rome Olympics in 1960. The Palazzetto dello Sport is probably the most famous of these, for which he co-operated with the architect Annibale Vitellozzi to construct a small sports palace seating 5,000 spectators under a concrete "big top" of 194 ft (59 m) diameter, its enclosing walls supported by thirtysix guy ropes of concrete; inside, the elegant roof displays a floral quality. In 1960 Nervi returned to Turin to build his imaginative Palace of Labour for the centenary celebrations of Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel in the city. This vast hall, like the Crystal Palace in England a century earlier (see Paxton), had to be built quickly and be suitable for later adaptation. It was therefore constructed partly in steel, and the metal supporting columns rose to palm-leaf capitals reminiscent of those in ancient Nile palaces.Nervi's aim was always to create functional buildings that simultaneously act by their aesthetic qualities as an effective educational influence. Functionalism for Nervi never became "brutalism". In consequence, his work is admired by the lay public as well as by architects. He collaborated with many of the outstanding architects of the day: with Gio Ponti on the Pirelli Building in Milan (1955–9); with Zehrfuss and Breuer on the Y-plan UNESCO Building in Paris (1953–7); and with Marcello Piacentini on the 16,000-seat Palazzo dello Sport in Rome. Nervi found time to write a number of books on building construction and design, lectured in the Universities of Rio de Janiero and Buenos Aires, and was for many years Professor of Technology and Technique of Construction in the Faculty of Architecture at the University of Rome. He continued to design new structures until well into the 1970s.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsRIBA Royal Gold Medal 1960. Royal Institute of Structural Engineers Gold Medal 1968. Honorary Degree Edinburgh University, Warsaw University, Munich University, London University, Harvard University. Member International Institute of Arts and Letters, Zurich; American Academy of Arts and Sciences; Royal Academy of Fine Arts, Stockholm.Bibliography1956, Structures, New York: Dodge.1945, Scienza o Arte del Costruire?, Rome: Bussola.Further ReadingP.Desideri et al., 1979, Pier Luigi Nervi, Bologna: Zanichelli.A.L.Huxtable, 1960, Masters of World Architecture; Pier Luigi Nervi, New York: Braziller.DY -
74 IDS
1) Компьютерная техника: INTELSAT business service, Integrated Dictionary Systems, Isi Document Solution, interface design specification2) Американизм: Information Disclosure Statement3) Военный термин: Impact Discarding Sabot, Imperial Death Squad, Infrared Detection Set, Integrated Delivery System, Intermediate Direct Support, imagery display system, infrared detection system, infrared discrimination system, instrument development section, integrated data system, intelligence data system, interdiction strike, interdictor/strike, interface data sheet, intrusion detection system, ionization detector system, item description sheet4) Техника: International Data System, identification section, image display system, inertial Doppler system, inertial data system, information data system, infrared detecting set, input-data strobe, instrument data system, interactive data system, interactive design system, interim decay storage, intermediate decay storage, inventory difference simulation, isotope detection system5) Химия: Иминидиянтарная кислота6) Биржевой термин: Inter Dimensional Securities, Investor's Diversified Services7) Ветеринария: Internet Dermatology Society8) Грубое выражение: In Da Shit, In Deep Shit, Irritable Dick Syndrome, Its Damn Slow9) Телекоммуникации: Information Directory Service, Information Display System (BISYNC)10) Сокращение: ID Code Sortation, Improved Data Set, Industrial Display System, Information Distribution & Switching system, Infra-Red Detection Set, Integrated Data System (collects mail processing data in a facility, upgraded in 2002), Integrated Display Set (USAF), Integrated Dynamic System, Interceptor Defence Strike, Interdictor Strike, International Data Sciences Inc. (USA), International Development Strategy, Intruder Detection Systems, illicit diamond smuggling11) Университет: Independent Directed Studies, Independent Or Directed Study12) Физиология: Infectious Disease Surveillance, Irritable Dullness Syndrome13) Электроника: Interactive Diagnostic System14) Вычислительная техника: Information Delivery System, Information Display System, Information Distribution System, Internal Directory System, система распознавания изображений, Intelligent Decision Server (IBM), Intrusion Detection System (IDS), Inter Data Systems (gmbh, Hersteller), СОВ (система обнаружения вторжения - intrusion detection system), интегрированная система обработки данных, система визуального отображения информации, система распределения информации, технические требования к аппаратуре сопряжения15) Нефть: inspection data sheet16) Стоматология: Международная стоматологическая выставка, International Dental Show( in Cologne, Germany)17) Космонавтика: interdisciplinary scientist for exobiology18) Фирменный знак: International Diplomat Sales, International Distribution Systems19) Деловая лексика: I Don't Sell, Independent Distribution System, Information And Decision Systems, Innovation Development Scheme, Integrated Decision Support20) Сетевые технологии: Informix Dynamic Server, Internet Distribution System21) Программирование: (Intrusion Detection System) система обнаружения вторжений, СОВ (см. Intrusion Detection System)22) Автоматика: integrated display system23) Сахалин Ю: interface and data specification24) Макаров: interim decay storage, interim design specification25) Безопасность: Interface Domain Signature, Intrusion Detection Software, intruder detection system26) Расширение файла: Integrated Data Store, Imported Names Format (IDA)27) Нефть и газ: Integrated Drilling Solution28) Психофизиология: Inventory of Depressive Symptomatology29) Фантастика Imperial Dragon Starship30) Имена и фамилии: Ian Duncan Smith31) Должность: Information And Decision Sciences32) Программное обеспечение: Integrated Diagnostic System33) AMEX. Industrial Data Systems Corporation34) Международная торговля: International Distribution System35) Базы данных: Internals And Data Structures -
75 ids
1) Компьютерная техника: INTELSAT business service, Integrated Dictionary Systems, Isi Document Solution, interface design specification2) Американизм: Information Disclosure Statement3) Военный термин: Impact Discarding Sabot, Imperial Death Squad, Infrared Detection Set, Integrated Delivery System, Intermediate Direct Support, imagery display system, infrared detection system, infrared discrimination system, instrument development section, integrated data system, intelligence data system, interdiction strike, interdictor/strike, interface data sheet, intrusion detection system, ionization detector system, item description sheet4) Техника: International Data System, identification section, image display system, inertial Doppler system, inertial data system, information data system, infrared detecting set, input-data strobe, instrument data system, interactive data system, interactive design system, interim decay storage, intermediate decay storage, inventory difference simulation, isotope detection system5) Химия: Иминидиянтарная кислота6) Биржевой термин: Inter Dimensional Securities, Investor's Diversified Services7) Ветеринария: Internet Dermatology Society8) Грубое выражение: In Da Shit, In Deep Shit, Irritable Dick Syndrome, Its Damn Slow9) Телекоммуникации: Information Directory Service, Information Display System (BISYNC)10) Сокращение: ID Code Sortation, Improved Data Set, Industrial Display System, Information Distribution & Switching system, Infra-Red Detection Set, Integrated Data System (collects mail processing data in a facility, upgraded in 2002), Integrated Display Set (USAF), Integrated Dynamic System, Interceptor Defence Strike, Interdictor Strike, International Data Sciences Inc. (USA), International Development Strategy, Intruder Detection Systems, illicit diamond smuggling11) Университет: Independent Directed Studies, Independent Or Directed Study12) Физиология: Infectious Disease Surveillance, Irritable Dullness Syndrome13) Электроника: Interactive Diagnostic System14) Вычислительная техника: Information Delivery System, Information Display System, Information Distribution System, Internal Directory System, система распознавания изображений, Intelligent Decision Server (IBM), Intrusion Detection System (IDS), Inter Data Systems (gmbh, Hersteller), СОВ (система обнаружения вторжения - intrusion detection system), интегрированная система обработки данных, система визуального отображения информации, система распределения информации, технические требования к аппаратуре сопряжения15) Нефть: inspection data sheet16) Стоматология: Международная стоматологическая выставка, International Dental Show( in Cologne, Germany)17) Космонавтика: interdisciplinary scientist for exobiology18) Фирменный знак: International Diplomat Sales, International Distribution Systems19) Деловая лексика: I Don't Sell, Independent Distribution System, Information And Decision Systems, Innovation Development Scheme, Integrated Decision Support20) Сетевые технологии: Informix Dynamic Server, Internet Distribution System21) Программирование: (Intrusion Detection System) система обнаружения вторжений, СОВ (см. Intrusion Detection System)22) Автоматика: integrated display system23) Сахалин Ю: interface and data specification24) Макаров: interim decay storage, interim design specification25) Безопасность: Interface Domain Signature, Intrusion Detection Software, intruder detection system26) Расширение файла: Integrated Data Store, Imported Names Format (IDA)27) Нефть и газ: Integrated Drilling Solution28) Психофизиология: Inventory of Depressive Symptomatology29) Фантастика Imperial Dragon Starship30) Имена и фамилии: Ian Duncan Smith31) Должность: Information And Decision Sciences32) Программное обеспечение: Integrated Diagnostic System33) AMEX. Industrial Data Systems Corporation34) Международная торговля: International Distribution System35) Базы данных: Internals And Data Structures -
76 Language
Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)[A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling itSolving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into anotherLANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own LanguageThe forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)[It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human InteractionLanguage cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language
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77 Grammar
I think that the failure to offer a precise account of the notion "grammar" is not just a superficial defect in linguistic theory that can be remedied by adding one more definition. It seems to me that until this notion is clarified, no part of linguistic theory can achieve anything like a satisfactory development.... I have been discussing a grammar of a particular language here as analogous to a particular scientific theory, dealing with its subject matter (the set of sentences of this language) much as embryology or physics deals with its subject matter. (Chomsky, 1964, p. 213)Obviously, every speaker of a language has mastered and internalized a generative grammar that expresses his knowledge of his language. This is not to say that he is aware of the rules of grammar or even that he can become aware of them, or that his statements about his intuitive knowledge of his language are necessarily accurate. (Chomsky, 1965, p. 8)Much effort has been devoted to showing that the class of possible transformations can be substantially reduced without loss of descriptive power through the discovery of quite general conditions that all such rules and the representations they operate on and form must meet.... [The] transformational rules, at least for a substantial core grammar, can be reduced to the single rule, "Move alpha" (that is, "move any category anywhere"). (Mehler, Walker & Garrett, 1982, p. 21)4) The Relationship of Transformational Grammar to Semantics and to Human Performancehe implications of assuming a semantic memory for what we might call "generative psycholinguistics" are: that dichotomous judgments of semantic well-formedness versus anomaly are not essential or inherent to language performance; that the transformational component of a grammar is the part most relevant to performance models; that a generative grammar's role should be viewed as restricted to language production, whereas sentence understanding should be treated as a problem of extracting a cognitive representation of a text's message; that until some theoretical notion of cognitive representation is incorporated into linguistic conceptions, they are unlikely to provide either powerful language-processing programs or psychologically relevant theories.Although these implications conflict with the way others have viewed the relationship of transformational grammars to semantics and to human performance, they do not eliminate the importance of such grammars to psychologists, an importance stressed in, and indeed largely created by, the work of Chomsky. It is precisely because of a growing interdependence between such linguistic theory and psychological performance models that their relationship needs to be clarified. (Quillian, 1968, p. 260)here are some terminological distinctions that are crucial to explain, or else confusions can easily arise. In the formal study of grammar, a language is defined as a set of sentences, possibly infinite, where each sentence is a string of symbols or words. One can think of each sentence as having several representations linked together: one for its sound pattern, one for its meaning, one for the string of words constituting it, possibly others for other data structures such as the "surface structure" and "deep structure" that are held to mediate the mapping between sound and meaning. Because no finite system can store an infinite number of sentences, and because humans in particular are clearly not pullstring dolls that emit sentences from a finite stored list, one must explain human language abilities by imputing to them a grammar, which in the technical sense is a finite rule system, or programme, or circuit design, capable of generating and recognizing the sentences of a particular language. This "mental grammar" or "psychogrammar" is the neural system that allows us to speak and understand the possible word sequences of our native tongue. A grammar for a specific language is obviously acquired by a human during childhood, but there must be neural circuitry that actually carries out the acquisition process in the child, and this circuitry may be called the language faculty or language acquisition device. An important part of the language faculty is universal grammar, an implementation of a set of principles or constraints that govern the possible form of any human grammar. (Pinker, 1996, p. 263)A grammar of language L is essentially a theory of L. Any scientific theory is based on a finite number of observations, and it seeks to relate the observed phenomena and to predict new phenomena by constructing general laws in terms of hypothetical constructs.... Similarly a grammar of English is based on a finite corpus of utterances (observations), and it will contain certain grammatical rules (laws) stated in terms of the particular phonemes, phrases, etc., of English (hypothetical constructs). These rules express structural relations among the sentences of the corpus and the infinite number of sentences generated by the grammar beyond the corpus (predictions). (Chomsky, 1957, p. 49)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Grammar
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78 Hodgkinson, Eaton
[br]b. 26 February 1789 Anderton, Cheshire, Englandd. 18 June 1861 near Manchester, England[br]English engineer who devised d new form of cast-iron girder.[br]Eaton Hodgkinson's father, a farmer, died when he was 6 years old, but his mother was a resourceful woman who set up a business in Salford and ensured that her son received a sound schooling. Most important for his education, however, was his friendship with the Manchester scientific luminary Dr. Dalton, who instructed him in practical mathematics. These studies led Hodgkinson to devise a new form of cast-iron girder, carefully tested by experiments and which was widely adopted for fire-proof structures in the nineteenth century. Following Dalton, Hodgkinson became an active member of the Manchester Philosophical Society, of which he was elected President in 1848. He also became an active member of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Hodgkinson's work on cast-iron girders secured him a Fellowship of the Royal Society, and the Royal Medal of the Society, in 1841. It was Hodgkinson also who verified the mathematical value of the pioneering experiments carried out by William Fairbairn for Robert Stephenson's proposed wrought-iron tube structure which, in 1849, became the Britannia Bridge over the Menai Straits. He received a Silver Medal for this work at the Paris Exhibition of 1858. Hodgkinson served as a member of the Royal Commission appointed to enquire into the application of iron to railway structures. In 1847 he was appointed Professor of the Mechanical Principles of Engineering at University College, London, but his health began to fail shortly after. He was elected an Honorary Member of the Institution of Civil Engineers in 1851. Described as "singularly simple and guileless", he was widely admired and respected.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsPresident, Manchester Philosophical Society 1848. FRS 1841. Royal Society Medal 1841.Further ReadingDictionary of National Biography, London.Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers 21:542–5.AB -
79 algebraically
алгебраически algebraically best approximation ≈ алгебраически наилучшее приближение algebraically closed body ≈ алгебраически замкнутое тело algebraically closed expansion ≈ алгебраически замкнутое расширение algebraically closed extension ≈ алгебраически замкнутое расширение algebraically closed field ≈ алгебраически замкнутое поле algebraically closed group ≈ алгебраически замкнутая группа algebraically closed hull ≈ алгебраически замкнутая оболочка algebraically closed model ≈ алгебраически замкнутая модель algebraically closed subfield ≈ алгебраически замкнутое подполе algebraically compact group ≈ алгебраически компактная группа algebraically complete field ≈ алгебраически полное поле algebraically complete model ≈ алгебраически полная модель algebraically complete system ≈ алгебраически полная система algebraically connected functions ≈ алгебраически связанные функции algebraically definable function ≈ алгебраически определимая функция algebraically dependent functions ≈ алгебраически зависимые функции algebraically dependent numbers ≈ алгебраически зависимые числа algebraically dependent set ≈ алгебраически зависимое множество algebraically equivalent curves ≈ алгебраические эквивалентные кривые algebraically equivalent cycles ≈ алгебраически эквивалентные циклы algebraically independent numbers ≈ алгебраически независимые числа algebraically independent set ≈ алгебраически независимое множество algebraically irreducible representation ≈ алгебраически неприводимое представление algebraically irreducible semigroup ≈ алгебраически неприводимая полугруппа algebraically isomorphic structures ≈ алгебраически изоморфные структуры algebraically parallel space ≈ алгебраически параллельные пространства algebraically simple group ≈ алгебраически простая группа algebraically trivial mapping ≈ алгебраически тривиальное отображение - algebraically closed - algebraically compact - algebraically complete - algebraically connected - algebraically definable - algebraically dependent - algebraically determined - algebraically equivalent - algebraically independent - algebraically simple - algebraically solvable - algebraically trivialалгебраическим способом;
алгебраическиБольшой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > algebraically
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80 document
1) документ, деловая бумага2) документально подтверждать, документировать•- documents of the contract - acceptance documents - construction documents - cost of tender documents - draft document - elaboration of design documents - estimate documents - exclusive right to documents - in accordance with tender documents - in-house document - purchase of tender documents - set of tender documents - shipping documents - state-testing documents - technical documents - tender documents* * *документ- acceptance documentsto document the condition of structures — составлять акт [документацию] о техническом состоянии сооружений
- bidding documents
- construction documents
- contract documents
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